PART I Chapters 2 and 3 described in considerable detail some of the important features of the internal migration flows in the United Kingdom at both regional/country and county levels for both the recent period (2009–10) and at the time of the last population Census (2000–01). Amongst many things, they showed the following: 1. The in- and out-migration rates for certain regions and counties are extraordinarily low while others are just as surprisingly high. The reasons for the low rates surely include geographical remoteness, the strength of cultural identity and population size, but in addition, as was shown later, the social class composition of the population seems to be absolutely crucial to an understanding of differences across counties in in- and out-migration rates. The fact that the gross in- and out-migration rates are strongly positively correlated (when economic logic suggests that they should be negatively related) represents a challenge to our understanding that was confronted in Part II. London plays a central role in the UK migration system. It has a unique age-specific migration profile, and, despite being the pinnacle of wealth concentration, luxury consumption and celebrity success, has been shown to be a massive net loser by internal migration, except, most importantly, for young adults. This also called out for explanation. The patterns of gains and losses and of the individual flows were found to be remarkably similar between the 2000–01 and 2009–10 dates. Where differences occurred, they fitted well with the notion that migration...
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