Table of Contents

Innovation, Agglomeration and Regional Competition

Innovation, Agglomeration and Regional Competition

New Horizons in Regional Science series

Edited by Charlie Karlsson, Börje Johansson and Roger R. Stough

This book provides a state-of-the-art overview of current research on regional competition and co-operation. Developing our current understanding of the new role of regions and their behaviour, this book addresses questions such as: How and why do regions compete? How does competition between border regions operate? Which regions are successful and which regions fail? What are the implications of regional competition in terms of resource allocation, the location of economic activities and the distribution of incomes? The book illuminates a number of critical theoretical end empirical issues relating to the competitive and cooperative nature of regions, as well as highlighting a number of new case studies from a variety of countries.

Chapter 5: Spatial Policies, Planning and Urban Competitiveness: The Particular Case of London

Paul Cheshire

Subjects: economics and finance, economics of innovation, regional economics, innovation and technology, economics of innovation, urban and regional studies, clusters, regional economics


Paul Cheshire INTRODUCTION 5.1 It is reasonable to argue that cities are the most fundamental human innovation contributing to welfare and economic productivity of the last 10 000 years. The agglomeration economies cities make possible directly lower the costs of production. In addition they stimulate innovation (Glaeser et al., 1992). Perhaps more importantly still, however, they contribute directly to welfare by allowing more choice in consumption, lower prices and more specialized neighbourhoods with specific and appropriate support systems, more and more interesting social interactions and more varied and better local services. Agglomeration economies and the extent to which cities allow the division of labour to be exploited increase total factor productivity directly: but amenities, local public goods and the direct consumption benefits derived from living in cities also reduce the real supply price of labour. It is obvious that there are costs as well as benefits associated with urban living and the growth of cities. No city is utopia. Space costs rise as people and firms bid for the benefits of accessibility and there are rising costs of crime, pollution and congestion to offset against the increased productivity of labour, more rapid exchange of ideas, greater competition leading to innovation, and the benefits of specialized neighbourhoods and more chances for human interactions. But people flock to cities voluntarily (Roback, 1982; Graves, 1983; Glaeser et al., 1995). Except in the most extreme circumstances people have not been forced to move to cities. For nearly the whole period during which cities have...

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