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Hakan G. Sicakkan

The term ‘Eurosphere’ is of central importance if we want to properly understand the European public sphere, for without the Eurosphere a European public sphere cannot materialize. The Eurosphere is a concept that was invented by the European Union’s founding generation. They defined the phenomenon as the sphere of those who participate in the European integration processes actively, those who are directly affected by its consequences, and those who affect the integration process by expressing ‘solidarity with the European’. In other words, the Eurosphere is the vertical, top-down, trans-European communicative space of pro-EU and pro-diversity elites and citizens. It is a part of the larger public sphere of Europe. This chapter posits the constitutive role of the Eurosphere in the ongoing formation of a European public sphere. It first presents a brief history of the making of the Eurosphere by the founding fathers of the European Union. Next, linking the two terms causally in a pluralist agonistic perspective, the chapter argues that the Eurosphere has a constitutive role in the formation of the European public sphere. Then it identifies the public spaces, publics, social and political actors (adversaries) and political cleavages and agons that constitute the agonistic public sphere in a transnational setting. Finally, it suggests an analytical framework suited for studying the European public sphere.
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Ian Bache and Louise Reardon

The past decade has seen a dramatic increase in governmental interest in the idea of wellbeing. At international level, there are initiatives within the EU, OECD, UN and at national level, within states as diverse and geographically spread as Australia, Bhutan, Ecuador, France and Morocco. This chapter outlines the nature and development of this rising interest in wellbeing before articulating some of the challenges wellbeing presents to economics and politics. It explains why these developments demand the attention of political analysts and outlines the key contribution of the book as the first theoretically and empirically informed analysis of the rise and significance of wellbeing in politics and policy. In addition, it identifies the two main questions of the study as: 1. How and why has the idea of wellbeing risen up the political agenda? 2. What are the policy implications of this rising interest in the idea of wellbeing?
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Edited by Simona Piattoni and Laura Polverari

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Edited by Simona Piattoni and Laura Polverari

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Simona Piattoni and Laura Polverari

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Marco Brunazzo

Cohesion policy targets all regions and cities in the European Union (EU) and aims at fostering business competitiveness, job creation, economic growth, sustainable development, and improving citizens’ quality of life. Since the second half of the 1980s, when this policy was founded, its aims and its resources have periodically changed. This chapter aims at describing and analysing the main turning points of EU Cohesion policy, exploring at the same time some of the political dynamics that have characterised this important policy.
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Edited by Simona Piattoni and Laura Polverari

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Ian Bache and Louise Reardon

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Anne van Aaken and Joel P. Trachtman

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Martin Heidenreich

In this introductory chapter, Martin Heidenreich distinguishes three different forms of conceiving the Europeanization of social inequalities: firstly, due to the growing importance of Europe, national patterns of inequality are analysed and compared in a European context (international perspective); secondly, the dynamics of social inequalities in Europe are explained by an increasingly supranational regulation of the European economies and societies; and, thirdly, Europe might be characterized by the increasingly transnational standards of equality and frames of reference. Empirically, the rearrangement of social inequalities in the EU and especially in the eurozone can be summarized on the basis of the following chapters in five theses: (1) polarization of European labour markets; (2) restructuring of the European centre-periphery relations due to the relative decline of Southern Europe and the continuing convergence of Eastern and Western Europe; (3) increasing national employment, income and health inequalities; (4) subjective Europeanization of inequalities; and (5) the impact of the EU on social inequalities. The outcome is a double dualization of social inequalities both between different European countries and between different social groups. On the one hand, the eurozone crisis has contributed to an increasing dualization of life chances, especially between Northern and Southern European. On the other hand, life chances are diverging between younger and older, migrant and native, male and female and high- and low-skilled employees.