The idea of ‘religious liberty’ is increasingly criticized for arbitrarily privileging practices that happen to resemble Christianity and distorting the perception of real injuries. Both objections are sound. Religious liberty is nonetheless appropriately regarded as a right. The state cannot possibly recognize each individual’s unique identity-constituting attachments. It can, at best, protect broad classes of ends that many people share. ‘Religion’ is one of these.
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Piritta Parkkari and Krista Kohtakangas
Recent studies have utilized practice theories to understand various aspects of entrepreneurship, but there is a lack of studies that aim to understand the phenomenon of entrepreneurship beyond individuals labelled as entrepreneurs doing entrepreneurship. This chapter aims to present a better understanding of organizations that work to promote entrepreneurship, focusing on student Entrepreneurship Society (ES) organizations in Finland. Using ethnography, it shows how these organizations were constructed as a student movement aiming to awaken students’ entrepreneurial latencies through practices enacted during a get-together event. The observed practices included little space for negotiating the meaning of entrepreneurship or why it is promoted. Multiple ideals emerged, such as valuing ‘doing’, while aiming to stay clear of ‘politics’. The findings indicate that the phenomenon of Entrepreneurship Societies reflects the dispersion and power of entrepreneurship discourse and ideology.
Marcus Marktanner and Maureen Wilson
Wasta – the Arabic term for nepotism or using personal connections to obtain government jobs and services – is the focus of this chapter. Not all wasta is bad, and some forms are culturally acceptable: it may refer to the use of legitimate intermediaries, but bad wasta, that is, corruption, is condemned by the Quran. A legacy of tribalism, the phenomenon is ubiquitous in the Arab world. The authors use a game-theoretic approach to understand why some people use wasta and others do not, concluding that corrupt institutions promote the bad forms. Thus, as bribery becomes increasingly normalized, control of corruption becomes ever more difficult. The authors conclude by situating Arab corruption within an international dataset that reveals that while the prevalence of bribery in the Arab world is not significantly greater than most of the world, attempts to control it have enjoyed less success.
Beginning with the premise that procedural guarantees for union members with regard to labor union decisions—in particular, responsiveness and the interests protected in line with Habermas’ procedural concept of democracy—create legitimacy within existing labor law structures, this work has examined the labor law models of the United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden, and the United States. What the history of worker collectivism reveals is that procedural due process has always been a component, but perhaps not always expressly articulated, in worker collectivism since the time of the early guilds. Solidarity, equality, and mutual aid have been ever present, to various degrees and in different forms. A way forward is to consciously build on and strengthen procedural democracy for union members, through legal protections as to transparency and procedural due process for union members. Given the greater focus today on human rights in the labor law context, the mechanisms necessary to invoke these rights need to be in place to give them effect.
Moisés V. Balestro
Globalization has certainly unveiled an economic window of opportunity for the internationalization of firms from the Global South. Latin America is no exception to this trend. Since the 1990s, there has been a substantial increase in the number of so-called multilatinas. The state has played a role in the internationalization of Latin American firms, as well as in the scaling up of these firms. However, the role of the state in Latin America has been highly varied. The chapter points out major differences and similarities between the trajectories of the Latin American multinationals in Brazil, Chile, Mexico and Argentina. This role ranged from passive support by structuring the capital market and directing a share of pension funds investments to firms being internationalized, as in the case of Chile, to a more active role with direct support and ownership participation of a development bank, as in the case of Brazil with the Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES). The role of the state in the internationalization of Latin American firms is better grasped by the relationship between business and the state, and the state’s capacity to provide long-term stability in the rules of the game as well as developing specific policy instruments.
Industries, Nations and Time
This chapter surveys the history of the belief that capitalist enterprises have a wider responsibility to, and for, society and the natural environment beyond exclusively making profits for their owners. It shows that by the early twentieth century there were well-developed traditions of business responsibility in major industrial nations, and the creation of philanthropic foundations by business leaders had begun. Subsequently the growth of big business and the shock of the Great Depression contributed to further discussion on the matter. In Asia, and to some extent in Latin America, radical concepts of business responsibility developed, often motivated by religious beliefs and secular philosophies such as Confucianism. There were always many interpretations of responsibility of business leaders, and the overall concept never mainstreamed. Recent decades have seen a wide diffusion of the rhetoric about corporate social responsibility, but it is unclear how this has truly impacted corporate strategies.
Liam Campling and Benjamin Selwyn
Global commodity chain, global value chain and global production network (GCC/GVC/GPN) approaches (here simply labelled GVC analysis) are part and parcel of mainstream development theory and practice. This chapter introduces and discusses critically these approaches. It: (1) describes their utility in understanding globalizing processes; (2) traces their lineage and evolution; (3) highlights and explains their key concepts; (4) illuminates some of their limitations; and (5) identifies ways in which they can be advanced further.
Andrew T.H. Tan
While President Obama correctly identified Asia as being the most important region in the world for the future of the United States, and his Asia Pivot (or ‘rebalancing’) is meant to shore up its dominant position in Asia, there are significant challenges in doing so. Domestically, there has been rising isolationism, a backlash against free trade, calls for ‘restraint’ in US foreign engagements and the growing pressure on the US budget as a result of its economic problems. Externally, there is a long list of security issues and challenges in the region, including and especially the rise of China. While the new Trump administration’s foreign policy towards Asia remains unclear, the loss of the United States’ position in Asia would have very serious long-term political, strategic and economic consequences for it as well as for the stability of the region.
In this chapter, I will discuss the process of the accommodation of identity-based constitutional demands in the USA. The margin of discretion in US constitutional negotiations over identity-based constitutional claims that reside in US states and in federal institutions is narrowed by a rigid constitution and well-established jurisprudence that, in evaluating identity-based constitutional claims, gives priority to the principle of formal equality over the recognition of cultural diversity. Regarding identities that reside in US territories, the constitution allocates a relatively large statutory discretion to Congress. The distinction between the system of governance of states and territories provides a testbed for one of the claims of this book. That is, a flexible constitution tends to foster institutional cooperation and the recognition of the pluralistic nature of modern states. This chapter is divided into two parts. The first part analyses the effects of sociological and formal attachments to a rigid constitutional system which I consider as a manifestation of a distinctively American constitutional patriotism, the highly articulated jurisprudential development of the concept of formal equality developed in relation to the accommodation of Indian tribes and the process of the accommodation of identity-based constitutional demands of Native Hawaiians. The second section discusses the accommodation of identity claims in the US territories. The current process of recognition of Puerto Rico, as a potential new US state, and the protection of national identities in the remaining territories (Samoa, Northern Marianna, Guam and the US Virgin Islands) are discussed in this section. As explained throughout this book, the relation between constitutional and national identities is indeed multifarious and the narrative will focus on a reasoned selection of the drivers of change that altered or that might change the accommodation of identity-based constitutional claims in the US constitutional system.