In Part I of the book, we explored several traditional communications systems, which have developed in cities along the last two millennia, followed by the recently introduced and adopted digital Internet. The varied uses and applica¬tions of the Internet were outlined in Part II. In this third and last part of the book, we will attempt to outline several implications and outcomes for the extensive citywide applications of the Internet, which we explored in Part II, eventually reaching a level of saturation, once AVs are adopted. Thus, in this chapter, we will focus on the city per se as an entity that is Internet-based, as compared to our focus on rather specific uses and applications of the Internet in the city, that is, for people, companies, systems, and vehicles, as we did in the chapters of Part II.
A Neo-Medieval View of Europe and European Planning
The Competitiveness Challenge for Secondary Capitals
Cody Hochstenbach and Willem Boterman
In this chapter, it is shown how multiple age groups are involved in different forms of gentrification. It is argued that it is necessary to consider age, life course, and generation in order to understand the increasingly widespread scale at which gentrification and displacement operate. The chapter zooms in on three different age groups in broader gentrification processes: (1) young people, (2) families, and (3) ageing groups. It specifically focuses on the crucial role of life-course transitions, and the cumulative experiences and residential trajectories of particular generations. It also considers the political economy of life course and shows how as gentrification has become mainstream it becomes an ever more likely outcome of the negotiation of various life-course transitions. Developers recognise this and jump on those niche markets for profitable speculative housing development, and lure those households deemed desirable.
The intention in this chapter is not to champion or prescribe certain models or practices as ideal types or as cure-alls for gentrification, but instead to explore current progressive community-based alternatives to housing provision and land ownership and stewardship as methods to challenge local scale gentrification processes and encourage community self-determination. Through the study of community land trusts and ecovillages in cities, the chapter demonstrates how individuals and communities, largely at the neighbourhood scale, can engage in alternative practices of everyday urban living and how these may act as aspirational spaces for community-based empowerment and for shaping new urban futures. While not all urban community land trusts and ecovillages identify their rationales and mandates as resisting gentrification, the work of these organizations inherently challenges dominant relations of production and consumption through the de-commodification of housing and land and by acting as collective, participatory spaces for cultivating social and environmental justice and change in everyday life.
Hyun Bang Shin and Ernesto López-Morales
In this chapter, it is argued that gentrification narrowly understood in a fossilised way, e.g., gentrification equated with its classic form in 1960s London, is not a useful barometer through which to evaluate the experiences of gentrification beyond the Anglo-American examples that have dominated the literature to date. Comparative gentrification studies in recent years have taught us the importance of de-centring the production of knowledge, incorporating emergent contextual discussions from elsewhere, and adhering to relational perspectives in order to understand how gentrification interacts with other local processes and discourses. The chapter asserts that the de-centring of gentrification studies requires researchers to pay more careful attention to the historicity of urbanisation and urban contestation. It also requires researchers to accept that gentrification may look completely different in places and societies researchers do not yet know about or yet work in/on.