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Mercedes G. Jiménez-Álvarez

The notion of human agency in migration is vital, in the case of Jiménez, seen as a form of resistance to the international neoliberal economic policies and abusive policies, in her case, applied to Moroccan teenagers from Morocco migrating to Europe. She unveils her research through the context of the compassion industry. The context is a socio-anthropological interpretation on border policies and the process of securitization in Southern borders of Europe, on the basis of the analysis of the functioning of border regimes (from the definition of a legal, technological and ideological framework), constrained by forms of institutional abuse (arrest, reunification, expulsion, denial of rights, criminalization).In sum, Jiménez opens up many key issues on the research of migration and borders: what is the meaning for migrant and child human rights (not solely the treaties, but the broader ideals), the role of government policies, the role of humanitarian NGO’s and social service providers, and the growing issue of unaccompanied minor migrants throughout the world? How autonomy and agency is useful in order to improve their lives, or are their lives just subject to the control of others?

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Kristin Kastner

Part 5 focuses especially on youth and gender as title tells.First with the chapter by Kastner, whoexamines a harsh reality through a bodily migrant´s experience of borders making clear empirically the asymmetrical and dynamic relationship between social structure and human agency, in this case the social structures impacting migrant women and the human agency of vulnerable, highly disadvantaged African undocumented / unauthorized migrants to Europe (the Western route to Spain). Sheoffers us rich tools on border ethnography, where the body plays a crucial and ambivalent role as both an object of violence and a means of protection and capital.

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Philip Taylor, Catherine Earl, Elizabeth Brooke and Christopher McLoughlin

Chapter 7 reports qualitative interviews with older women about the pursuit of an active, fulfilling and productive retirement, and the mechanisms that promote these outcomes. Contrary to notions of the blended lifecycle, analysis reveals a stark division between paid work and retirement for many women at the same time as an ongoing commitment to socially valued and productive albeit unpaid activities that form a portfolio career. Furthermore , analysis reveals an increased sense of autonomy and control over decision making among retired women that contrasts with their experiences of paid employment.

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Marcos Correia

Finally Correia closes the handbook with the maps that accompany the 28 chapters which demonstrate the effect of borders on people’s daily and ritual life, in their life transitions and travels, in their aspirations for a better life and in their experience of violence and forms of compassion. They fundamentally show the interactions between migrants and borders (here represented by policies, politics, law enforcement agencies, society) in different areas of the world and between and in different countries and regions: USA, Canada, Mexico, South America, Europe, North and Central Africa and Asia. The maps created in this book followed a non-traditional format. Still, they are enough accurate for one easily understand where each chapter takes place. The style used was drawn from the abstract and fragments pieces from geography that usually are in our mind when we think about countries and world´s borders.

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Geoff Boyce and Todd Miller

Boyce and Miller explore the expansive nature of post 9/11 US border expansion, focusing on the US Canada divide, and the increasing of racial-ethnic profiling of Latinos, even in a region where there are relatively few, by the Border Patrol, illustrating its character as a national quasi-racial-ethnic policeforce. Over the past 20 years, the United States has undertaken an unprecedented build-up of its enforcement capacity along the country’s border with Canada. Officially, this enforcement build-up is justified with reference to the spectre of terrorism and the kinds of security concerns that proliferated in the aftermath of the terror attacks of September 11, 2001. Although along the U.S. / Mexico borderagents arrest many more individuals actively seeking to enter the United States, here too apprehension records reveal the arrest of hundreds of U.S. citizens and thousands of individuals who are long-term U.S. residents, through the very same kinds of practices - transit checks, roving patrol stops, highway checkpoints and third party law enforcement custody-transfer - observed abovein urban and rural areas across the northern U.S. borderlands.

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Luis Iturra Valenzuela

In the revival area of border studies of a Latin-American tripartite border, Iturra Valenzuela focus on Chile´s extreme Northern region, where borders have historically been highlighted by the migratory circularity between inhabitants of the surrounding countries. However, the current Colombian, Haitian and Venezuelan migration flow has caught the attention of social scientists and politicians). He details the 2018 Plan Frontera Segura. This logic of selection of trade and migration flows, between what is desired and the unwanted is framed in the Foucaultian terms of a neoliberal governmentality and more precisely in an exercise of biopolitics where there is a migratory population desired and other unwanted . He underlines how the Tacna-Arica urban complex operates as an integration space but necessarily produces an asymmetry allowing, on the one hand the exploitation of the Peruvian migrant who inserts himself to work in the agricultural world of Arica, and on the other, making public the discourses of President Pi-era highlighting bilateral trade relations and promoting humanitarian aid for countries in conflict, but in turn denying the entry of poor Venezuelans in order to protect the border.

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José Miguel Nieto Olivar, Flávia Melo and Marco Tobón

Following on the regional scale focus we focus then in the Amazonas, through a very interesting chapter, both conceptually (with a highly complex frame) and empirically.It is composed by different types of research conducted by Tobon, Melo and Nieto Olivar, in a region divided betweenBrazil, Peru, Colombia, and Venezuela in the Northwest Amazon. Described within the vertices of a quadrangle of destruction that connects four cities of the Brazilian Amazon: Novo Progresso and Altamira in the state of Pará, and São Gabriel da Cachoeira and Tabatinga in the state of Amazonas. They research on managing human (and non-human) insecurity and violence as a form of production, transformation, and governance in one of the most important transborder regions on the planet, in the Amazonian frontier, observed as a plural object being disputed by capitalist extractive forces. The contextual debates are: the Anthropocene and Cosmopolitics , articulating three axes through which the politics of violence, control, production, and destruction gain expression. These small Brazilian cities and the people who inhabit them have had their lives traversed by highly predatory “national defense”, “regional development”, “social”, and “civilizational” policies based on the reckless exploitation of the much coveted Amazonian “natural wealth” and upon the “need” to guarantee national sovereignty. The necropolitical devices upon which this destruction is conducted also marks bodies, especially those of indigenous people, youth, and women, such as the hungry and drunken Hupd’ah bodies scattered in the camps of the “Beiradão”, or the abused and abandoned bodies of indigenous girls in the downtown of São Gabriel da Cachoeira. From the Venezuelan border to the Peruvian-Colombian border, blood and smoke mingle with cocaine and the device of violence as a form of government materializes in militarized bodies that act together, extensively and intensively, on the territories of the upper Rio Solimões combating the “violence” of international drug trafficking with the “violence” of militarized forces.

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Saskia Sassen

In such extreme conditions, Sassen tryes to de-stabilise the concept of the border in the context of depredatory practices base on expulsions and extractive logics (see for example here the chapter on the Amazones in the handbook) in different regions of the global South. This multi-decade history of destructions of rural economies and expulsions dressed in the clothing of ‘modernization and development’ has reached extreme levels today: vast stretches of land and water bodies are now dead due to mining, plantations, and water extraction by the likes of Nestle. At least some of today’s localized wars and conflicts in Africa arise out of such destruction and loss of habitat; climate change further reduces livable ground. And access to Europe is no longer what it used to be. Accordng to Sassen, this mix of conditions - wars, dead land, and expulsions of smallholders from their modest economies in the name of ‘development’ - has produced a vast loss of life options for a growing number of people in more and more communities. We see this in areas as diverse as Africa, Central America, and parts of Asia, notably Myanmar.

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Niamh Gaynor

Gaynortakesusto Burundi (ranking as one of the poorest country in the world), situated within the volatile Great Lakes region of Africa, the country has suffered decades of violence, displacement and re-displacement. As violence and insecurity continues, most notably following a third term bid in 2015 by the country’s President, an estimated 400,000-500,000 have been re-displaced, mostly across regional borders into neighbouring Tanzania, Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Uganda. This chapter examines the reasons for this, moving. Exploring the complex root causes of violence and instability, it moves beyond simplistic internal ethnic explanations and highlights the role of the global political economy in fomenting and sustaining insecurity, both within the country and on its borders. The chapter goes on to examine regional responses and policies to the ensuing displacement. Noting that the country continues to receive both the lowest level of international funding for refugees and relatively low levels of international aid (UNDP, 2019), it makes the case for a globalised politics of compassion and responsibility in responding to and tackling the globalised root causes of structural violence in this border region. Thus, she gives an empirical account of the notion of a “globalized politics of responsibility” as key concept for the handbook.

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Alfredo Gomes Dias and Jorge Macaísta Malheiros

We move again to the regional focus, this time towards Southeast Asia with the chapter on Macau (by Gomes Dias and Malheiros). The focus is put on the old colonial Portuguese territory within a historical perspective (from 1999). From its origins in the mid-16th century to the founding of the Macao Special Administrative Region (MSAR) in 1999, the definition of the land and sea boundaries of Macao has always been an issue, assuming a character that can be analysed in different dimensions. From the diplomatic point of view, the question of the boundaries of Macao remained a matter of dispute. In its political dimension, the option assumed was to maintain the status quo defined in the late nineteenth century as a way of preserving the economic and socio-cultural characteristics of the City. At the social level, it has maintained its role as a port of entry and passage for various migratory movements, including not only commuting between Mainland China and Macao, but also the reception of refugees, Portuguese and Chinese, a particularly relevant phenomenon in the twentieth century. The uniqueness of the chapter of the “Macau case”, in its historical perspective, makes it possible to understand today's reality, as a region with a special administrative status, preserving border control mechanisms and flexibility of labour mobility in a specific political and economic context, of progressive integration into the People's Republic of China.