Moving Beyond the Crisis
Lillian C. Frost and Musa M. Shteiwi
This chapter applies the lens of citizenship and non-citizenship to host state decisions about how to treat refugees, both legally and in practice, by examining Jordan’s and Lebanon’s policies toward Syrian refugees from 2012 to 2016. This lens situates refugee policies within the larger context of state-society relations and highlights the specific types of rights refugees can access. The chapter starts by defining citizenship and non-citizenship as well as the content of these relationships. The next section analyses Jordan’s and Lebanon’s citizenship regimes since independence and assesses these states’ non-citizenship regimes toward Syrian refugees, excluding Palestine refugees from Syria. The following section digs into the content of Syrian non-citizenship in these countries by looking at their formal and informal civil, political, social, and economic rights. The chapter concludes by highlighting the similarities in how states treat citizen and non-citizen groups as well as the utility of engaging non-citizenship as a concept.
This chapter scrutinises the evolution of the legal, identity and civic virtue aspects of citizenship in Turkey from 1980 to 2014. The chapter addresses the issue how citizenship, as defined during the single-party period on the basis of a one religion (Sunni Islam) and one language (Turkish) – withstood the various changes that Turkey has undergone, especially as a result of internal factors such as 1980 military intervention, 28 February 1997 and 27 April 2007 memorandums, and the increasing resistance against Prime Minister Erdo_an. It also delves into the way it might be affected by more recent external factors such as the impact of globalisation and the possibility of being drawn into the European Union. Because citizenship is so complex an issue in a society as ethnically diverse as Turkey, this chapter, by examining the shifting meaning of citizenship between the period 1980–2014, will help bring to the fore theoretical and historical issues at stake in contemporary notions of citizenship as such in the Middle East.
The chapter deals with the opinions Islamic thinkers have developed on the relationship between politics, the political, and citizenship since the end of the Ottoman Empire. The assumption is that political citizenship can only be founded on the recognition of politics as an independent field and the political as a ‘void’. The chapter shows that in most Islamic political thinking politics has been completely absorbed by religion. It is only during the last thirty years with revival of Islamic modernism that politics has been recognised as a field that must be open in order not to end in a totalitarian state. Partly this is the result of the rise of Islamic political parties, partly the result of the development of notions such as the ‘purposes of the sharia’ (maqasid al-shari‘a). With the recognition of the political as the ‘radically undetermined’ also recognition of the citizen and equal citizenship came about.
The Centrality of Citizenship
Edited by Nils A. Butenschøn and Roel Meijer
Nils A. Butenschøn
Presenting main academic discourses on Israel as an ‘ethnic’ state, ‘democratic’ state, and ‘Jewish’ state, Nils Butenschøn maintains that whereas the legal and institutional fabric of the State of Israel is ethnocratic in distribution of rights and resources, the state itself, just like Palestine, is still a state in the making, an unfinished state. He argues that the citizenship approach is sufficiently open in its theoretical orientation and precise enough as an analytical tool to capture the complexities of Israel as a state formation, and yet identify the distinct challenges this state poses in its relations with the various demographic groups that have claims to the territories under its current rule or control. The nature of these challenges can only be fully comprehended with a view to the extent, content, and depth of citizenship as premised by Zionism, the state ideology, and the historic conditions of the unfolding Palestine conflict.
This chapter moves into the ambit of citizenship and politics among pro-state Hezbollah affiliates in post-2009 Iran to make the counterintuitive argument that the legislation of religion is not necessarily a fruitless effort for the state even when it fails to uniformly produce its ideal religious citizen. The contradictions and ambiguities of hybrid regimes work in different ways to produce particular types of citizens. In the Iranian case, there exists a disconnection between how autonomy and equality of Muslim citizens are legislated in Hezbollah’s cultural institutions, how autonomy and equality are theorised by the Islamic Republic’s founding fathers, and how the Muslim citizen emerged from the post-1979 Constitution. The interaction between these three different centres of power results in unpredictable citizens in quotidian life.