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Finally Correia closes the handbook with the maps that accompany the 28 chapters which demonstrate the effect of borders on people’s daily and ritual life, in their life transitions and travels, in their aspirations for a better life and in their experience of violence and forms of compassion. They fundamentally show the interactions between migrants and borders (here represented by policies, politics, law enforcement agencies, society) in different areas of the world and between and in different countries and regions: USA, Canada, Mexico, South America, Europe, North and Central Africa and Asia. The maps created in this book followed a non-traditional format. Still, they are enough accurate for one easily understand where each chapter takes place. The style used was drawn from the abstract and fragments pieces from geography that usually are in our mind when we think about countries and world´s borders.

In the revival area of border studies of a Latin-American tripartite border, Iturra Valenzuela focus on Chile´s extreme Northern region, where borders have historically been highlighted by the migratory circularity between inhabitants of the surrounding countries. However, the current Colombian, Haitian and Venezuelan migration flow has caught the attention of social scientists and politicians). He details the 2018 Plan Frontera Segura. This logic of selection of trade and migration flows, between what is desired and the unwanted is framed in the Foucaultian terms of a neoliberal governmentality and more precisely in an exercise of biopolitics where there is a migratory population desired and other unwanted . He underlines how the Tacna-Arica urban complex operates as an integration space but necessarily produces an asymmetry allowing, on the one hand the exploitation of the Peruvian migrant who inserts himself to work in the agricultural world of Arica, and on the other, making public the discourses of President Pi-era highlighting bilateral trade relations and promoting humanitarian aid for countries in conflict, but in turn denying the entry of poor Venezuelans in order to protect the border.

Following on the regional scale focus we focus then in the Amazonas, through a very interesting chapter, both conceptually (with a highly complex frame) and empirically.It is composed by different types of research conducted by Tobon, Melo and Nieto Olivar, in a region divided betweenBrazil, Peru, Colombia, and Venezuela in the Northwest Amazon. Described within the vertices of a quadrangle of destruction that connects four cities of the Brazilian Amazon: Novo Progresso and Altamira in the state of Pará, and São Gabriel da Cachoeira and Tabatinga in the state of Amazonas. They research on managing human (and non-human) insecurity and violence as a form of production, transformation, and governance in one of the most important transborder regions on the planet, in the Amazonian frontier, observed as a plural object being disputed by capitalist extractive forces. The contextual debates are: the Anthropocene and Cosmopolitics , articulating three axes through which the politics of violence, control, production, and destruction gain expression. These small Brazilian cities and the people who inhabit them have had their lives traversed by highly predatory “national defense”, “regional development”, “social”, and “civilizational” policies based on the reckless exploitation of the much coveted Amazonian “natural wealth” and upon the “need” to guarantee national sovereignty. The necropolitical devices upon which this destruction is conducted also marks bodies, especially those of indigenous people, youth, and women, such as the hungry and drunken Hupd’ah bodies scattered in the camps of the “Beiradão”, or the abused and abandoned bodies of indigenous girls in the downtown of São Gabriel da Cachoeira. From the Venezuelan border to the Peruvian-Colombian border, blood and smoke mingle with cocaine and the device of violence as a form of government materializes in militarized bodies that act together, extensively and intensively, on the territories of the upper Rio Solimões combating the “violence” of international drug trafficking with the “violence” of militarized forces.

We move again to the regional focus, this time towards Southeast Asia with the chapter on Macau (by Gomes Dias and Malheiros). The focus is put on the old colonial Portuguese territory within a historical perspective (from 1999). From its origins in the mid-16th century to the founding of the Macao Special Administrative Region (MSAR) in 1999, the definition of the land and sea boundaries of Macao has always been an issue, assuming a character that can be analysed in different dimensions. From the diplomatic point of view, the question of the boundaries of Macao remained a matter of dispute. In its political dimension, the option assumed was to maintain the status quo defined in the late nineteenth century as a way of preserving the economic and socio-cultural characteristics of the City. At the social level, it has maintained its role as a port of entry and passage for various migratory movements, including not only commuting between Mainland China and Macao, but also the reception of refugees, Portuguese and Chinese, a particularly relevant phenomenon in the twentieth century. The uniqueness of the chapter of the “Macau case”, in its historical perspective, makes it possible to understand today's reality, as a region with a special administrative status, preserving border control mechanisms and flexibility of labour mobility in a specific political and economic context, of progressive integration into the People's Republic of China.