Innovation is a major factor in global economic growth and in generating wider social and economic development. This chapter explores the globalisation of innovation within a systems of innovation approach before moving the analysis on to the diffusion and impact of the open innovation model on internationalisation trends in research and innovation. Linked with this, the rise of global networks and of global value chains are also explored before the analysis concludes with how the conceptual and analytical frameworks used can help us in understanding the wider issue of globalisation more generally.
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One of the most prevalent arguments as to why global labor standards are necessary is that they prevent a ‘race to the bottom’. Estimates suggest that up to a fifth of all working individuals in developing countries live in households whose income per person falls below one dollar a day. The widespread incidence of poverty among working people is indicative of the general prevalence of indecent working conditions. Having a job is simply not enough – the quality of employment matters. Instituting a coordinated system of global labor standards represents one approach to creating a minimum floor of job quality. This chapter takes a close look at the debates surrounding global labor standards. In particular, it summarizes the key arguments in support of global labor standards, evaluates the threat of negative consequences that could spring from such regulations and discusses current developments in implementation strategies.
Ajit Singh and Ann Zammit
When this chapter was originally written for the first edition of The Handbook of Globalisation, the burning issue regarding labour standards was the attempt by advanced country governments and unions, particularly the US, to establish multilateral rules in the World Trade Organization (WTO) to enforce labour standards globally. This initiative did not succeed and the issues raised remain as relevant as ever, though they no longer command as much attention at the top of the international policy agenda. This slightly revised version therefore retains the basic structure of the arguments presented on labour standards in a developmental context. However, in view of the subsequent rise of China and India as major producers and exporters and the perception in the US that this presents a threat to its workers and industries alike, even the principal cause of its industrial and labour woes, this issue is briefly introduced at the end of the chapter in an Addendum.
Christos-Thomas Kechagias and Alexander-Stamatios Antoniou
This chapter studies one of the most famous mythological origins of women leadership development by exploring the role of the goddess Athena in the Homeric poems, Iliad and Odyssey. Greeks in their first instituted direct democracy in 508 BC regarded Homer as a part of the culture and education (paideia) of their successful members and citizens in the polis, identifying the qualities of leadership and recognizing the role of mentoring. Homeric poems could be used as a foundation of a new insight into the origins of women mentoring and leadership in one of the most ancient texts of human history. From the perspective of literature and mythology, leadership development practice seems to have an almost three thousand year history starting from the mythological action of Athena in the Homeric world. By underlining the significance of identifying mentoring and leadership skills that are innate to human societies and specific to their training development process, it is suggested that the Socratic value of “know thyself” is similar to the early leadership role of Athena in the ancient classical world. It seems that Athena acts as a mentor of heroes to guide them or to inspire them to behave as leaders.
The conception of deep justice which rulers present to their subjects offers an account of how their subjects deserve to be treated and an account of the goods which their rule will make available for their subjects to pursue. Augustine defined a political community as united by common objects of love, by the shared goods which they pursue. Liberal conceptions of deep justice have eschewed discussion of the good. Nonetheless, human rights and economic theories have functioned as common objects of love in the West since the Second World War. Critical natural law theory inspired by Augustine insists that justice can only be done if the common good is attended to but that the law should give subjects and social institutions freedom to pursue distinct goods in different ways.
Cecilia M. Bailliet and Simon O’Connor
This chapter addresses the character of the obligations in the UN Charter with respect to the maintenance of international peace and security as articulated in Article 1(1), (2), and (3), and Chapters VI and VIII. This contribution discusses the sequential nature of the Charter to emphasize the obligations, first and foremost, to resolve disputes peacefully and prevent escalation. The chapter presents the framework of UN Bodies, including the Security Council, General Assembly, and office of the Secretary-General and their practice in implementing these obligations. Additionally, it underscores the importance of recourse to these fora in pursuing negotiations between States and non-State actors. Finally, it delineates the role of regional mechanisms in enabling States to fulfil their primary duty of pacific settlement. It concludes by examining whether future implementation should be strengthened within existing UN and regional institutions addressing the pacific settlement of disputes.
The concept of globalisation fundamentally challenges the methodological territorialism that has long defined the parameters of social research. Nowhere is the encounter between the social sciences and globalisation better illustrated than in the discipline of international relations which, as the ‘international’ prefix connotes, takes nation states as the locus of the world’s power, authority and, hence, governance. This chapter contends that the novelty of globalisation for the social world and social research lies in its specification as an ‘ation’ not a ‘nation’. Whereas ‘national’ perspectives proceed on the premise that governance is synonymous with governments, globalisation as an ‘ation’ makes no prior assumptions about the sources of power, authority and governance but instead deems them a matter for empirical interrogation. These investigations have produced new, or lent credence to existing, frameworks and vocabularies that seek to depict the fluidity and messiness of governance in a globalised world. The chapter concludes by considering the merits of three such frameworks: multilevel governance; transgovernmental networks; and neo-medievalism.
Edited by Raymond E. Levitt, W. R. Scott and Michael J. Garvin
Geoffrey M. Hodgson
The 2008 economic crash led to noted shifts of opinion among some world leaders. Does this crisis create favourable conditions for the reform and revitalisation of economics itself – from a subject dominated by mathematical techniques to a discipline more oriented to understanding real-world institutions and actors? And why were warnings of financial collapse not heeded? Recent shortcomings are partly related to the global triumph of market individualist ideology and partly to the exaggerated roles of modelling and quantification. These failures of economics are partly peculiar to the discipline and are also a result of other wider institutional and cultural forces.
Since the 1980s it had been fashionable to suggest that there was little that individual countries could do in the face of global economic forces, and any attempt to pursue independent policies would be doomed to failure. ‘Even China’, it was often said, was embracing the global free market. The idea that developing countries, such as India, could promote their own developmental interests by sheltering behind exchange controls or national planning had been swept away along with the Berlin Wall. In the globalized economy of the twenty-first century, it was argued, national governments had to go with the flow of global markets. As the 2008 international financial crisis was breaking, the global strategy firm Oxford Analytica held one of its usual daily analysis sessions, but open to those attending its annual conference. The chair briefly summarised the unfolding global crisis, and then went round the table asking the various national experts to report. Despite the consensus referred to above, the reports did not paint a picture of a uniform globalised market to which each country related in the same way. The US and UK had been referred to in the opening statement, being very much at the centre of whatever it was that had caused the worst economic crisis since the 1930s. But when the expert on Brazil was called, he reported that the socialist President Lula had kept its financial sector rather independent of the global markets. Next India, and here too it was reported that it actually hadn’t opened itself up to the global market quite as much as might have been thought. Then China, where, it was reported, the Communist Party had maintained rather a firm grip.