The chapter shows the role of art and architecture in both reflecting and shaping the idea of the nation. It shows how artists and architects were inspired by the idea of the nation and contributed to the definition of their own nations, by selecting and depicting this or that trait they considered to be distinctive. Artists and architects also contributed to the development of specifically national artistic and architectural styles. Artists and architects raised national self-consciousness by creating icons and symbols of the nation. They also gave a new meaning to the traditional categories of European artistic subject matter: history, portraiture, ‘genre’ (scenes of daily life), landscape, still life, became ‘national’. Examination of European national art and architecture further shows the intertwining of the concept of the nation with the concept of democracy. Nowhere is this intertwining more visible and tangible than in the art and architecture of parliament buildings.
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Athena S. Leoussi
The diversity of regional and ethnic groups is the main focus of the study of nationalism in modern China. The Bai minority ethnicity in Yunnan province has developed from an occupational group, called ‘Xizhou merchants’ who have been engaged in capitalist industry and commerce since the 1940s in Dali city of Southwestern China. A range of particular social and historical conditions have contributed to the transition of Bai people from an occupational group to an ethnicity. These conditions include: the characteristic traditional transportation system of Bai merchants by horse caravan, the diversity of Bai people’s economic activities, the close clan relations among Bai people based on kinships.
Liming Chen and Guoxia Zu
The transformation of modern China is a transition from a traditional feudal empire to a nation-state. Nationalism plays a very important role in the transformation of the country. Regarding the study of Chinese nationalism, domestic and foreign scholars mainly proceed from two paths: one is taking the Chinese government’s diplomatic policy as their object of study; the other is taking the Chinese folk literature, media and mass movements, such as ‘anti-Japanese’ and ‘anti-American’ movement as research object. This chapter adopts a different approach, starting with the Chinese ethnic policy, exploring the competition and symbiotic relationship among ethnicity, class and state in different periods, and trying to outline the development of the nationalism of China.
Scholars of nationalism have paid little attention to the dilemma of the dominant nation in multinational states. Unlike immigrant societies, multinational states contain one or more territorially concentrated peripheral nations distinct from the dominant nation (e.g., Spain, India). Typically, dominant nations identify with the state as a whole and do not assert their narrower nationalism (e.g., Castilian, Hindu). Building on Linz’s and Stepan’s concept of state-nation, this chapter examines the causes of the emergence of dominant nation nationalism (Serbian, Russian) and its role in different patterns of state dissolution (violent vs peaceful) in the Yugoslav and Soviet cases. While ethnic federalism played a causal role in both cases, the different paths taken by Russian and Serbian particularism must be explained by a combination of factors (institutional; historical legacies encoded in myths and collective memories; ressentiment). A further expansion of the range of comparison beyond democratic state-nations is called for.
By looking into the economic policies of post-war Japan and post-reform China – two state-led economies famous for its protectionism, this chapter reveals the role of globalization in their economic development and the fact that nationalism is the motivational force behind the global strategies of both economies. Drawing on historical archives and secondary analysis, the author argues that state-led economies would favour globalization when the global market favours them and that there is no logical dilemma between nationalism and globalization.
Yuri Ivanovich Basilov
The Eurasian movement emerged as a response to the intellectual and political crisis of the Russian empire and the Russian Revolution of 1917. It represents an attempt to give this empire a new identity and legitimization after its dissolution. The Eurasians proposed a particular ‘all-Eurasian nationalism’ for the integration of all nationalities of the collapsed Russian Empire on the new supra-national identity of ‘Eurasian brotherhood of peoples’ based on the community of the territory, ethnography, culture and language, also the community of religion and historical destiny. The creator of the concept of Eurasian nationalism was Prince Nikolai Sergeyevich Trubetskoy (1890–1938).The chapter analyses the formation of the concept of the Eurasian nationalism in his publications from his book Europe Mankind (1920) until the famous article “All-Eurasian nationalism” (1927). The article argued that “all-Eurasian nationalism” represented a type of the imperial nationalism designed to legitimize the continued existence and unity of the Russian Empire in the form of the USSR.
This chapter traces the history of the community of elite German natural scientists in the early twentieth century through the scientists’ nationalism and participation in World War I. Many leading German scientists sacrificed their research interests, international reputations, and scholarly freedom for harsh war work that military officers largely did not respect. In analysing their actions and writings, and the text of the 1914 “Call to the Civilized World,” the chapter describes scientists’ commitment to a collectivistic nationalism and compares the statements of German and British scientists. The scientists’ post-1918 crises and transformed identities further highlight the significance of nationalism in shaping the early twentieth-century German scientists’ work and careers.
African nationalism continues to be defined by the anti-colonial movements that inherited political power in post-colonial African states during the middle to late twentieth century. Anti-colonialism and nationalism, however, are better understood as two distinct phenomena that both supported and undermined one another. This perspective is endorsed by the sociology of Frantz Fanon, whose observations about the end of colonialism in Algeria became the basis for his philosophy of liberation centered on the redemptive force of violence. Fanon’s philosophy influenced generations of future African nationalists but his most important contribution remains largely overlooked. His observations on the genealogy of the colonial state were later confirmed by sociologists and precisely explain the broad failure of African nationalism to create states with popular legitimacy. Fanon deserves to be considered the first pan-Africanist and his sociology as central to any understanding of colonialism and its antecedents.
Although political scientists had, until recently, predicted that nationalism and politics centred on national identity would wane in the era of globalization, nationalism has displayed remarkable resilience and adaptive capacity, and is prominent all over the world. This chapter suggests that we should take the spread of neoliberalism and the relative decline of American hegemony seriously when trying to account for this resilience and prominence, and the ‘crisis of liberal democracy.’ The author argues that the transformative impact of these processes contributes to structural conditions that amplify the appeal of nationalism as a source of solidarity, and that these conditions incentivize political entrepreneurs to exploit contemporary insecurities related to matters of existential and physical security, identity and economy using populist discourses. Using the Turkish and Hungarian experiences, he shows that populist-nationalist discourses do not necessarily imply the rolling back of neoliberalism even if they are seemingly averse to it.
This chapter traces the emergence of architecture nationalism in England from around 1715 when Lord Burlington argued for a new taste in architecture. Burlington’s political affiliation with King George I made it possible to free the British from the influence of foreign taste, at least in architecture. As Palladian architecture style developed in England, the British decided to rebuild the capital, St. George’s, in bricks, stone and tiles following its destruction by two major fires in the latter part of the eighteenth century. The visual arts as methodology and metaphor serve to deepen one’s understanding about national identity formation and heritage. The visual arts help in evaluating the level of consciousness surrounding national heritage. The chapter further argues that the strength of nationalism in Grenada is a factor in determining what counts as heritage.