Mozambique and Madagascar are two large neighbouring countries, of populations of 30 and 26 million people respectively. Both countries have a recent colonial past and are new “commodity extraction frontiers” in the international division of nature. In Madagascar, fisheries, nickel, cobalt, ilmenite, agricultural plantations, rosewood for export, heavy oil and biodiversity are exported commodities. In Mozambique, coal, gas and oil, hydropower, aluminium, plantation forests for paper pulp and for the carbon credit market. All such investments are driven in both countries by foreign capital, such as the Total company in the violent LNG investments in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique. There are environmental organisations in both countries, with the remarkable presence in Mozambique of Justiça Ambiental (Friends of the Earth), and of EJOs like Alliance Voahary Gasy (AVG) and Collectif pour la défense des terres malgaches (TANY) in Madagascar.

BACKGROUND: VICTIMS OF “EXTRACTIVISM”

Mozambique has a local environmental group called Justiça Ambiental (“environmental justice” in English) which is affiliated with Friends of the Earth International. In seven of 24 conflicts recorded in Mozambique in the EJAtlas there is participation of FoEI, which would be an obvious node in a network analysis of the organizations belonging to the world movement for environmental justice. However, grassroots fights for environmental justice do not depend on organizations. On its side, Madagascar, a former French colony, also has some socio-environmental NGOs: Alliance Voahary Gasy (AVG) and Collectif pour la Défense des Terres Malgaches (TANY). Extractivism is also the cause of the main conflicts in Madagascar, in the form of mining and biomass extraction through land grabbing. In both countries there are also land grabbing conflicts related to the carbon credit trade (REDD and CDM) and there is the presence of big transnational mining firms. Aluminium, coal, oil, natural gas, titanium ores and nickel for export are sourced at these “commodity frontiers”, as also rosewood (for China). In Mozambique, the anti-colonial struggle against Portugal was more leftist and more recent than in Madagascar. Mozambique went through a difficult process of armed struggle and independence from Portugal after 1975 while Madagascar became independent in 1960, after the cruel defeat of an insurrection against colonialism in 1947.

On a first look at the environmental conflicts in these two neighbouring countries, an easy comparative interpretation comes to mind. In Mozambique there is a strong presence of environmental justice struggles while Madagascar has more presence of international big conservationist non-governmental organizations, the BINGOs. But a closer inspection shows that there are more similarities than differences in the political ecology of both countries. The BINGOs believe they are the “world environmental movement”. But there is also an environmentalism of the poor and the Indigenous. The confederation Friends of the Earth, for instance, navigates between both currents, some of its members fully on the side of the poor and the Indigenous.

MOZAMBIQUE

Next to the Tanzanian Border, a Coming War for Gas and Oil in Cabo Delgado 1

I start with a conflict on gas extraction in north Mozambique, which geologically is a prolongation of the conflict in Tanzania on the pipeline from Mtwara to Dar-es-Salaam. Northern Mozambique is very far from Maputo, the capital of the country. This gas project led originally by the Texan company Anadarko, recently displaced farming and fishing communities, p. 254who lost their livelihoods giving incentives for the youth to join Islamist rebel groups. In Cabo Delgado there is a large Islamic population. A local insurgent group is called Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jama, meaning, “followers of the prophetic tradition”, often compared to Boko Haram in Northern Nigeria. Between October 2017 and February 2018, they were suspected to have killed over 40 people in the province. Some of the arrested suspects were reported to be opposing gas drilling. So, there is a triangular conflict between gas companies, villagers and the Islamist groups. After attacks in June 2018, thousands of villagers fled to Pemba, the capital of the province.

According to Eric Morier-Genoud et al. (2018), the sudden arrival of fossil fuels companies made for a “potential powder keg” in this poor and isolated part of the country. Because of their dissatisfaction the youth become targets to be enrolled by Islamist armed rebels. Also, in June 2018, the Bishop of Pemba, Luiz Fernando Lisboa, addressed these concerns in a pastoral letter, where he said their attacks “are forcing us to ask serious questions about the future we are offering our youth”, and about how our natural resources could have “generated a better life for everyone in the province”. Researcher Morier-Genoud made several recommendations to face this situation. He mentioned the need to send more troops to north Mozambique, but yet avoiding vexing the Muslim community, and also suggested a political commitment to the issue of land ownership. The tension with this Islamist rebel group reached a new level by January 2019 when the group attacked vehicles on main roads, killing 12 civilians. Anadarko was the initial investor of the consortium meant to exploit the offshore area. Anadarko built an airfield and was also constructing a liquified natural gas (LNG) plant. This occupied at least 17,000 acres (6,900 ha) and was a fortress area after displacement of local people including the village of Quitupo. Shell also wanted to build another gas refinery in Senga. The fishermen from Milamba were forced to move 15 km away from the sea.

Going back to June 2015, after a national court decided in favour of Anadarko's endeavours, the US company committed to a US$ 180 million dollars resettlement package to affected communities. Both farmers and fishermen expressed their dissatisfaction regarding the compensation process. Farmers say that Anadarko promised them that for every hectare lost, they would be compensated with a new hectare, which was not true. Paralegals denounced threats they received from the government because of their volunteering work. Overall, the population and the paralegals denounced that the lands had been taken without prior agreement or compensation. In May 2018, there was a demonstration of hundreds of young people in Palma, demanding jobs in fossil fuels’ companies. They protested that they were occupied by non-locals. Their claims were not heard.

Originally, the major shareholder was Anadarko Moçambique Area 1 Lda (26.5 per cent); then came Mitsui E&P Mozambique Area 1 Ltd. (20 per cent); in third position came the Mozambique State owned company, Empresa Nacional de Hidrocarbonetos (with 15 per cent of the shares); the two Indian companies ONGC Videsh Ltd (16 per cent) and Bharat PetroResources Ltd (10 per cent); the Thai company PTT Exploration & Production Plc (8.5 per cent); and last, the other Indian company Oil India Ltd (4 per cent). The gas fields and the LNG plant were to be connected through a 45-km-long subsea pipeline corridor. Friends of the Earth Mozambique (Justiça Ambiental) recalled that natural gas was a polluting source of energy because it releases CO2 and methane. The gas drilling process releases more than 300 chemicals, suspected to cause cancer. There were growing fears that gas drilling will affect biodiversity in the area, especially the Quirimbas Archipelago, a UNESCO biosphere.p. 255

In 2019, Anadarko sold its interests in Cabo Delgado to Total. Ilham Rowoot of Justiça Ambiental had written:

When, in 2010, US energy company Anadarko found major gas reserves off the coast of Mozambique's Cabo Delgado province, many hoped that the discovery was going to bring prosperity to the impoverished region. The following year, Italy's ENI also found a massive gas field in the area. Since then, Mozambique has seen an influx of foreign energy companies fishing for lucrative contracts […]. Cabo Delgado is now home to Africa's three largest liquid natural gas (LNG) projects; a number of communities will have to be evicted to make way for the support facilities onshore.

Total supposedly aims for “net zero” emissions by 2050, its website pledges, but in reality, it planned a radical increase in LNG production: from 34 million tons per annum (MTPA) in 2019 to 50 MTPA in 2025, from Cabo Delgado and from the Arctic's fragile Yamal Peninsula and Gydan.

Total claims gas is a bridge fuel to renewable energy, despite the wreckage of local ecologies due to fracking and greenhouse-gas climate damage when methane is vented or leaked. Making the gas liquid for LNG exports involves a large energy expenditure. As for social responsibility, Total often funds regimes guilty of human rights violations and socio-economic oppression (Chapter 27). On 26 March 2021, scores of local residents and a few foreign workers died violently, as Total gambled far too much in search of what would be the continent's biggest fossil fuel bonanza – and ran into Islamic guerrilla resistance. The end of the rainy season left the town of Palma vulnerable to what was a terrible attack leaving dozens of dead, including several international consultants and expat managers. Until the Palma massacre, Total had joined Rome-based ENI, Dallas-based ExxonMobil and Beijing-based China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) in hoping “counter-insurgent” Mozambican military support would allow more rapid gas extraction offshore Cabo Delgado.

The Islamic insurgency, generally credited to some version of localized ‘Islamic State’ extremism, began in earnest in 2017. But the region's grievances date back many decades, to Portuguese colonial underdevelopment, to post-colonial neglect after 1975, to recent disruptive ruby mining and timber extraction and now to abuses committed by the gas companies. In January 2021, Total had asked the Mozambican government to provide a 25-km safe zone perimeter at the Afungi Peninsula. It tried to provide security by using for-profit military allies: allegedly the notorious Wagner Group from Moscow, the Dyke Advisory Group from South Africa and the Paramount company, a major weapons supplier to regimes across Africa and the Middle East.

Leaving the Gas under the Sea, in Exchange for a Climate Debt Down Payment?

London-based journalist Joe Hanlon regrets how a corruption-riddled state elite became “dazzled by the gas, and believed Mozambique would be like Abu Dhabi, Qatar, or Kuwait. Gas would make the elite fabulously wealthy and also trickle down to ordinary people”. Instead, the insurgents have disrupted the corporate-state extraction strategy. But South Africa remains a dangerous player, because of the country's main oil company – formerly state-owned Sasol ‒ and also because South Africa National Defence Force troops are available. According to foreign minister Naledi Pandor: a “great opportunity exists for South Africa to import natural gas from Mozambique, thus the security of Cabo Delgado is of great interest to South Africa and her energy diversification strategy”.p. 256

There could be a moratorium to extraction: “leave gas under the sea”. Indeed, Patrick Bond argued that a down payment on the “climate debt” that the Global North already owes Mozambique and many other poor peoples could finance state social programmes and ensure a Basic Income Grant to all Cabo Delgado communities – this could go together with a precautionary halt to fossil fuel extraction. Instead, by August 2021, there were troops from Rwanda and from South Africa in Cabo Delgado starting to fight a war for the government of Mozambique, and for Total's extraction and exports of LNG.

Green Resources and Envirotrade: Forest Plantations for Carbon Credits 2

To the south-west of Cabo Delgado in Mozambique, there is a conflict on a plan to conserve the forest to absorb carbon dioxide. In this conflict we get a simple geoengineering experiment to absorb some of the excessive carbon dioxide produced by excessive use of coal, oil and gas in rich countries. In these cases, we see how environmental injustice (how the costs of mitigating climate change are shared) and agrarian injustice (how local “food sovereignty” is compromised by tree plantations to absorb somebody else's carbon dioxide) come together. They become intersectional social injustices, agrarian injustices and environmental injustices. Green Resources from Norway planned a forestry plantation and carbon sequestration project, located in Lurio and Sanga districts in the Niassa Province of Mozambique. The local population obviously loses control over their forest resources. When the forest is replaced by uniform tree plantations, there is a loss of biodiversity, an environmental damage done in the name of controlling climate change. Tree plantations are not true forests. This conflict is one of the many Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD) conflicts or Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) conflicts collected in the EJAtlas. The company Green Resources moreover achieved Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) certification in 2011.

The 2009 agreement with the Mozambican government gave permission to develop a 126,000-ha forest plantation over a 15-year period. This was the largest forestation project approved in Africa. There are a great number of grievances. Many villagers denounce that they had no say in the land acquisition process; furthermore, they feel frustrated because of the temporary jobs provided and the unfulfilled developmental promises on the part of the company. We shall find Green Resources again in Chapter 21 in Uganda.

Also, in Cabo Delgado province, the Envirotrade Quirimbas Community Carbon is a carbon sequestration project, located in the Quirimbas National Park and affecting agricultural communities. Some 95,000 people currently reside in the park and 30,000 in the buffer zone. The aim of the company, Envirotrade, was to capture carbon through agroforestry, and sell carbon credits on the voluntary markets. Planting, preserving and protecting these forests are all services regulated by a seven-year contract between Envirotrade and the farmers. Yet, as stipulated by the contract, the producer (farmer) is under the obligation to plant and care for trees, and will receive an annual payment, which varies according to the system chosen and the size of the area. After seven years payments cease, but farmers still have a duty of care.

According to Via Campesina (22 June 2012): “Food production and people's sovereignty in Africa could be seriously compromised by carbon capture projects and the so-called Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation Plus (REDD+) mechanism”. Envirotrade had three such projects in Mozambique. Back in 2012, EJOLT's report no. 2, titled The CDM Cannot Deliver the Money to Africa. Why the carbon trading gamble won’t p. 257save the planet from climate change, and how African civil society is resisting, analyzed other such conflicts in several African countries.

Again “Tree Plantations Are Not True Forests”: Portucel 3

There are a number of other “biomass” conflicts in Mozambique (recorded by the World Rainforest Movement). The conflicts arise from plans for large-scale tree plantations inspired by the paper pulp industry. They have regularly counted with the opposition of Justiça Ambiental. Eucalyptus plantations have been a great disgrace for Portugal, and nevertheless The Navigator Company (formerly known as Portucel Soporcel Group) also wanted a slice in its former colony's land grabbing. The company is a large paper producing firm in Portugal. It acquired land for eucalyptus in 2008 in Zambezia province (173,000 ha) and in 2011 it acquired a Land Use Permit for an additional area of 182,886 ha in Manica Province, issued by the Mozambican government. The Group now had at its disposal a total area of approximately 360,000 ha. This would be a threat to local food sovereignty since the destruction of local vegetation and its replacement by eucalyptus monoculture destroys local biodiversity. Moreover, it is known that the monoculture of eucalyptus consumes large amounts of water and destroys soils.

As of 2020, communities in the province of Zambezia, Mozambique ‒ in particular in the Ile, Namarroi and Mulevala districts ‒ have been living and using the land for centuries, but now it is being expropriated from the local population. In regard to tree plantations, since 2000, more than 600,000 ha of land have been placed in concessions to produce pine and eucalyptus in Niassa, Nampula, Zambezia and Manica provinces, mostly controlled by two large companies: Portucel (The Navigator Company) and Lúrio Green Resources.

In 2013, the government of Mozambique committed to granting around three million ha of land in concession to companies that promote tree monocultures in Niassa, with the goal of making the country the second largest pulp producer in Africa. The concessions have led to social unrest, forced resettlement and localized food insecurity. And yet, at the 2019 meeting of the New Generation Plantations platform (PNG) ‒ an initiative by conservation organization World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) to promote the industrial expansion of monocultures Portucel referred to these plantations as a group of “sustainable plantations that support rural prosperity”.

The Fight Against Invasions of the “Machambas” ‒ this is the word used to refer to lands for food production in Mozambique. On 14 July 2018, the organization MISSÃO TABITA was informed of a conflict between Portucel and the communities of Mugulama in the Nanretete area of Ile District. Portucel technicians came to Nanretete to inform the community about cemetery mapping, asking the following questions: “Where are the remains of people buried, and what is the cemetery registration procedure?”. Meanwhile, the leader of the community and the company technician ordered entry into the cemetery to take photos. The community reacted very strongly in response to this action and the company's attitude. In July 2019, MISSÃO TABITA received an alert in the communities about the construction of small dams on their rivers.

Coal Mining and Hydropower in Tete Province by Vale and Other Foreign Companies 4

Tete province is a “commodity extraction frontier” rich in hydropower and in coal. It holds an estimated 23 billion tons of coal reserves. In this region the Zambezi River and the enormous p. 258reservoir of Cahora Bassa are located. Mining concessions and exploration licences approved by the government cover around 3.4 million ha (34 per cent of Tete province area). When licences pending approval are included, around 60 per cent of the province's area is covered. There are several plans for CFPP. Resettled families still haven’t received proper compensation. Brazilian major mining group Vale extracts coal from the Moatize mine, planning to lift output from 11 million tons to 22 million tons per year and to build a 600-MW thermal power plant at Moatize. Hundreds of families displaced in 2012 blocked trains used by the Brazilian company, claiming it failed to keep promises made over the past years. Local farmer communities have been on the losing side, especially since the 2009 resettlements. The land companies’ claim includes nearly all the grasslands that herdsmen from the region need access to. On 13 July 2017, a citizen was reportedly shot dead by police in the village of Moatize, when a group protested against the closing of Vale Mozambique mining company concession gates. This is not the first time that Vale Mozambique has requested police intervention in conflicts with hundreds of small farmers still at odds with them and other coal extraction companies. Mozambique became the second-largest coal producer in Africa, behind South Africa. Several new infrastructure projects related to coal production are planned as well, which include a new coal terminal at the Beira port, coal export terminals in Nacala and a new port at Macuse. The companies Vale, Rio Tinto, Riversdale and Jindal Steel from Brazil, the UK, Australia and India have invested billions of dollars. As a consequence, the communities have faced disruptions in accessing food, water and work, as Human Rights Watch (HRW) reports. “Some of the world's largest mining firms from both established and emerging economies have descended on Tete … to extract some of the world's largest untapped coal reserves” (Kirshner and Power 2015).

On 10 January 2012, an estimated 500 residents from the resettlement village Cateme from the company Vale protested and blocked the railroad linking the coal mine to the port. The demonstrations were suppressed violently by local police. About 700 families were resettled to the Cateme area between 2009 and 2010 and recently suffered from a lack of access to water, electricity and agricultural land. As Kirshner and Power state (2015), “The Frelimo government – once guided by a Marxist–Leninist ideology – has come to view coal mining and export as a pathway to modernisation and development. In October 2018, neighbours of Moatize who live along the fence of the company managed to shut down part of the Vale mine, known as ‘Moatize-2’”. According to the Associação de Apoio e Assistência Jurídica às Comunidades (AAAJC), the population complains of excessive pollution, decay of houses due to explosion of dynamite, and unbearable noise, resulting in lung diseases and other health impacts.

In November 2018, the Mozambican Bar Association (OAM) demanded that coal mining companies in Tete be held responsible for their failure to resettle people. Meanwhile, Kirshner and Power (2018) state, “Tete hosts another planned energy mega-project with the proposed Mphanda Nkuwa dam, sited 60 km downstream from Cahora Bassa at a cost of US$2.2 billion”.

BHP Billington Mozal Aluminium Smelter 5

Mozal is an aluminium smelter in Beluluane Industrial Park, located 20 km west of Maputo. It began operations as a producer of aluminium exclusively for export. It consumes much cheap electricity, sometimes spewing toxic gases straight into the air. Mozambique has considerable p. 259energy resources: natural gas in deep waters, an estimated hydropower potential of 12,000 MW and vast coal reserves. The Cahora Bassa hydropower dam in Tete Central Province, exports electricity mostly to South Africa (and Zimbabwe). Shockingly, Mozambique buys back its own electricity from South Africa's Eskom, a large part of which is used by the MOZAL aluminium smelter that is owned by Australia-based BHP Billiton (47 per cent), the Mitsubishi Corporation of Japan (25 per cent), the Industrial Development Corporation of South Africa (24 per cent) and the Government of Mozambique (4 per cent).

The worst episode of air pollution took place in 2010. Mozal was alleged to have poor operating conditions, weak maintenance, bad monitoring and fundamental design faults, with numerous reports of random discharges and regular events where the filters are bypassed. The environmentalist group Justiça Ambiental explained that Mozal's “filter systems came near to collapse in 2010 and the pollution bypassed its filters for 4 months, spewing toxic gases straight into the air of a densely-populated city”.

Given the seriousness of this pollution and the lack of information, civil society requested clarification. Request for an injunction was put forward by six environmentalist groups: Livaningo, Environmental Justice, Centro Terra Viva, Kulima, Mozambican Human Rights League and the Centre for Public Integrity. Only after several newspaper articles, interviews and television debates, and a petition demanding the bypass be immediately cancelled, did the Ministry of Environment Coordination (MICOA) and Mozal finally decided to organize a public meeting. But it gave frustratingly little information. Vital documents were not made public. The Environmental Management Plan (EMP) lacked clear mitigation measures, had weak to no quantitative data, did not evaluate other alternatives, did not even have an annex which refers to the dispersion and deposition of fumes and gas, and did not mention the impacts of these substances.

After insignificant progress at the national level to dissipate the ignorance created by Mozal, including legal action, Mozambique's civil society was forced to submit claims internationally to Mozal's main funders, which included the Compliance Advisor Ombudsman (CAO) of the International Finance Corporation (IFC) of the World Bank, and the European Investment Bank (EIB). Mozal continued bypassing its filters and production even before the court ruling and before the CAO and EIB investigations were finalized. They monitored air emissions during the bypass period but did not even make the report publicly available.

IN MADAGASCAR: LAND GRABBING AND MINING 6

Here we shall analyze some cases from Madagascar, one of the top countries in the world for biodiversity. Being a large island, approximately 95 per cent of its many reptiles, 89 per cent of its plant life and 92 per cent of its mammals are endemic; they have evolved there and exist nowhere else on Earth. Lemurs are well-known, but there are many other species under threat, mainly because of deforestation. Hence the first case, whose protagonists are big non-governmental conservationist organizations such as the WWF. They are BINGOs.

Holistic Program for Forest: Militarized Conservation and Carbon Credits 7

In 2008, in cooperation with WWF and the GoodPlanet foundation, the French company Air France launched a programme to fight deforestation in Madagascar by protecting more p. 260than 500,000 ha of forest. The project combines trade in carbon credits with militarized conservation. The opposition is muted. The so-called Holistic Conservation Program for Forest (HCPF) has multiple objectives: protecting endangered forests, replanting and restoring them, creating new protected areas and training local communities in the principles of sustainable management of their living heritage. The HCPF activities are carried out on five WWF sites in moist forest (379,974 ha) and dry forest (126,798 ha). This area of Madagascar represents close to 32 million tonnes of stored carbon that can be preserved by lowering the present rate of deforestation. This should support the Air France “Climate Plan” strategy, in reducing its CO2 emissions (Figure 13.1).

But the Air France programme has been criticized since scientists and some other NGOs have revealed conflicts in the sites covered by the project. Slash-and-burn agriculture is forbidden in the HCPF areas. And yet, most of the forest people in Madagascar currently depend on clearing forests to establish new agricultural land. Also, they depend on forest products for fuel, construction materials, food, medicine, livestock fodder and pasture. Could conservation be achieved with cooperation with the local inhabitants? Is there room for “convivial conservation” on the island?

Those opposing the project in Amis de la Terre (Friends of the Earth) France, state:

So that a small minority can continue to pollute the planet, we require the world's poorest people to change their way of life: forests and land are no longer natural areas but have become stocks of carbon that must be protected. Worse, to keep an eye on fraudsters, a forest police have been set up: its mission is to track down villagers who clear patches of forest to grow food to feed themselves. Anybody caught in the act risks a heavy fine. If the individual is unable to pay, they are sent to prison. And as if patrols on the ground were not enough, aeroplanes fly above the villages to keep a better eye on them!

Amis de la Terre is more inclined to grassroots conservation than the WWF. This situation has increased social conflicts in Ifotaka. EJOs like Friends of the Earth and investigative journalists from BASTA! considered this a human rights issue in a report published in 2013. This is a problem of unequal distribution of the pros and cons, the gains and pains of conservation. It is alleged, in conclusion, that only a few households have been compensated by WWF – GoodPlanet. Most of the incoming money is spent on verification of carbon storage… and many local communities do not even know what a carbon offset is and who will benefit from it.

Masoala Rosewood Illegal Logging for Export to China 8

In 2009, an estimated 52,000 tonnes of rosewood and ebony wood were logged in North-East Madagascar from Masoala and Marojejy National Park. At least 500,000 additional trees and many miles of vines were cut to make rafts to transport the heavy logs. Approximately 36,700 tonnes were shipped in 1,187 containers, almost all to China, for a total export sale price estimated at $US 220 million. In the Sava region, members of the timber syndicate pocketed 76 per cent of this whereas the State collected just US$ 15.3 million.

Sign in Madagascar: “Reforestation activity through a food-for-work system” (Sophie Chapelle, Basta media).
Figure 13.1

Sign in Madagascar: “Reforestation activity through a food-for-work system”

Source:  Sophie Chapelle, Basta media

According to Global Witness and the Environmental Investigation Agency (EIA), a dozen private operators and three main companies have benefited from illegal logging in Masoala; three banks also facilitated the illegal timber trade. Fraud is perpetrated by the syndicate and government administrators along every step in Madagascar's precious timber trade. Poor governance and a lack of clarity in forest regulation have facilitated timber trafficking.p. 261

There is a booming trade in bois de rose, one of the world's rarest trees, even though its logging and export from Madagascar is banned. According to a report by Tamasin Ford in the Guardian (23 Dec. 2013), the final destination is China. The precious wood is rapidly vanishing from the island. The illegal logging and smuggling in the country's north-east exploded after the coup in 2009.

It is interesting to reflect on the variety of EJOs (national and international), BINGOs and other supporters of the efforts to ban this illegal trade of wood: Alliance Voahary Gasy (AVG); Cercle de Concertation des Partenaires Techniques et Financiers du Secteur Environnement (CCPTF-E); Environment Investigation Agency (Washington D.C.); Observatoire National de l’Environnement et du Secteur Forestier Malgache (ONESF); Groupement des Opérateurs Touristiques Maroantsetra–Masoala (GOTMM); SAF/FJKM's Eliahevitra); Madagascar Fauna Group (MFG); World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF); Conservation International (CI); Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS); Mongabay.

Daewoo: Land Grabbing and the Fall of a President 9

In 2008, South Korean company Daewoo Logistics signed a 99-year lease in Madagascar for about 1.3 million ha. It was the largest lease of this type in history. The organization Collectif pour la Défense des Terres Malgaches (TANY), was established in reaction to the lease and petitioned the government to first consult with stakeholders. The petition was ignored. The mayor of Antananarivo, Andry Rajoelina, criticized the president, Marc Ravalomanana, for p. 262supporting the deal. Rajoelina's administration rose in popularity because of this. Rajoelina rallied popular support for the opposition, leading to a popular uprising that began in January 2009 and ended two months later with Ravalomanana's resignation. The mayor organized a series of rallies against the president and the Daewoo deal. Some of the rallies turned violent, and over 100 people died. After three months Ravalomanana fled to South Africa and Rajoelina was sworn in as president of Madagascar.

Three weeks later he rescinded the deal with Daewoo. However, many smaller land acquisition deals have been put into operation. Andry Rajoelina was again president in 2019.

Varun's Land Grabbing Project 10

Varun's land grabbing project started in 2009. It was then reported that Madagascar had definitely abandoned the infamous US$ 6 billion farming agreement with Daewoo Logistics Corp from Korea, but that it might welcome agriculture investment in the future. Rajoelina's new government was then considering the plans by Varun International, an Indian company, to lease 465,000 ha of land in the regions of Melaky, Atsinanana and Sofia, in northern Madagascar.

An agreement had been actually made between the Indian company and each Association of 13 different plains in the Sofia Region. Following the signature of the convention between the chief of Sofia Region and Varun Agriculture SARL, on 20 December 2008, the project of joint development for the big plain of Madagascar (GPI MAD project) had the objective to promote cultivation of rice, corn, maize, wheat, pulses, fruits, vegetables and other crops.

In January 2009, peasants from the region and 90 per cent of the mayors of these 13 plains went against this project. They refused the obligation to sell 70 per cent of their products to Varun, which would export them. While the land grabbing project by Varun was stopped, the same Indian company has other large investments in Madagascar.

Tozzi Green Jatropha Plantations 11

The biofuel and biomass project with the Italian company Tozzi Green in Ihorombe, in central south Madagascar, became very controversial. Tozzi Green was a subsidiary of the Italian Tozzi Holding group and particularly of the Tozzi Renewable Energy branch. The company was operating in the renewable energy field and agriculture, employing over 500 staff in Italy and overseas. Many Malagasy activists and international scholars criticized the secretive process of attribution of a 100,000-ha area to Tozzi Green. They denounced the possible displacement of the population and were concerned about the jatropha agriculture the Italian company aimed to develop in this region.

On 18 November 2013, 350 inhabitants signed a petition which they sent to the local and national authorities asking them to stop the expansion of the plantations and to prevent their eviction from the areas targeted by Tozzi Green and by the Indian company Landmark. The Collectif pour la Défense des Terres Malgaches (TANY) received testimonies. They said they had inherited the lands of their great-grandparents who had farmed according to the ancestral customs there. If the State obliged them to give up these lands, their income from cattle raising would be lost. On 1 December, the chiefs received a warning letter from the State not to disrupt the expansion of Tozzi Green.p. 263

A large part of the population in the Ihorombe Plateau is composed of Bara breeders and the open spaces, which city-dwellers might see as “idle land”, are the pasture zones of their zebus. In 2015, of the 8,000 ha already granted, 2,000 ha were allegedly exploited. According to the promotion by Tozzi Green, “The project registers 170 permanent employees and approximately 2,000 seasonal workers among which more than 50% are native of the Ihorombe region”. But, according to the activist association TANY, the benefits in terms of employment were minuscule compared to the economic, social and cultural damage being inflicted. TANY asked for transparency: How many hectares are covered by the current contracts? How are the procedures and the conditions of progressive land allocations formulated? All questions remained unanswered.

Tozzi Green announced the implementation in Satrokala of a land office that would deliver land certificates on untitled private properties, which outraged locals. Total transparency of the contents of the contracts signed by the State was urgently needed. In November 2013, news came in that a famine was starting to set in for the communities that lost grazing land to Tozzi Green.

Toliara Sand Mining for Metals, Ranobe 12

There are several conflicts in Madagascar on sand mining for minerals, like the “Rio Tinto / QMM Ilmenite and zircon sand mining” case (Chapter 15) and the related “Mainland Mine Analanjirofo” conflict with a Chinese company. Here we present the Toliara conflict.

West of Ihorombe, the Ranobe protected area has among the highest endemicity of plants and animals anywhere in Madagascar. It is targeted by the Australian company World Titanium Resources (WTR) (Base Resources) that aims to exploit several hundred km2 of primary spiny forest. The main ore used in the primary production of titanium is ilmenite. The sand mining project is expected to last up to 100 years, consuming approximately 30,000 litres of water per minute during the course of its operations. The project was first expected to start exploitation in 2014. There was a lot of pressure on the conservation community to reduce the size of the protected area to make way for more mining concessions. Aside from the impacts on biodiversity and the forest-marine ecosystem, the mine would displace entire villages as it would consume the local populations’ only water source.

In addition, vast areas of tombs would need to be relocated to make way for a new road. The relocation of tombs is taboo in southern Madagascar, but local leaders had been seduced into breaking custom and trying to convince most of the rural population to go along with the mining company's plan. The exploitation permit was finally granted in 2016. Yet the contestation of the project by locals, mainly farming and fishing families, has been constantly growing, together with the help of national NGOs. Overall, locals do not believe in the mining company's job promises nor in the possible restoration of the natural resources afterwards. The villagers refuse to sell their lands as they won’t be able to feed their families. In July 2018, several NGOs signed and published a common statement contesting the decision by the national executive power and also condemning the repressive measures taken against the MA.ZO.TO. Association that supports the affected communities. The government had declared of public utility the lands in the mining perimeter, thereby enabling the acquisition of the parcels by the mining company through amicable settlement or expropriation. The government considered likewise of national interest the port and road infrastructures for the project.p. 264

At the same time, in July and August 2018, the local populations organized local demonstrations to express their fierce opposition to the project. A petition was signed by 13 organizations against the Toliara sands project. Through the case of the Toliara sands project, the civil society rendered more visible its claims for a revision of the Mining Code of Madagascar, if not its total rewriting. The exploitation of the mine was expected to start by the end of February 2019, but the populations continued to demonstrate and oppose the project. In April 2019, another march was organized, demanding that the project be cancelled. In May, 30 villagers from the communities of Benetse, Ampototse and Tsiafanoka were arrested under the accusation of sabotaging the company's properties during the demonstration in April. A communiqué by TANY in August 2019 explained that the communities still opposed the project of Base Resources, although there were internal divisions. One issue was the radioactivity threat from the mining.

More Extractivist Projects: Ambatovy Nickel and Cobalt Project 13

Ambatovy is an US$ 8 billion large-tonnage, long-life nickel and cobalt mining enterprise, the largest-ever foreign investment in the country. It was expected to rank among the largest lateritic nickel mining entities in the world, created by Dynatec from Canada and supported by the European Investment Bank (EIB). The results have been rather disappointing, but it has a production capacity of 60,000 tonnes of nickel and 5,600 tonnes of cobalt per year. Its life is estimated at 29 years.

Actually, the Canadian company Sherritt International incorporated, in a joint venture with Sumitomo, a Japanese company (Kores) and a South Korean company. SNC Lavalin, also Canadian, signed an agreement for cobalt and nickel extraction in Ambatovy with the Malagasy government in 2006. The building of the mine and smelter infrastructure was completed in 2011. This included open-pit mine sites and a mill in Ambatovy near Moramanga, a hydrometallurgical smelter in Tanandava about 10 km from Toamasina, and a 220-km pipeline that will move the milled ore mixed with water to the smelter. The processing will use some toxic sulphur products. The concentrated cobalt, nickel and ammonium sulphate will then be shipped to Asian markets. The toxic tailings from the process will be stored near the process plant. Extreme weather could cause the waste lakes to flood and leaks in the pipeline between the factory and the tailing facility could cause further pollution. Tamatave fishermen wonder about the waste dumped into the sea. Inhabitants say that the water of local rivers has been affected, which has consequences for fauna, crops and human health (Soustras 2017).

The negative consequences of the construction phase of the project reached public attention when a serious accident occurred in 2012, in which four people lost their lives. There have been strikes over health issues, and other accidents have taken place.

WISCO Company Looking for Iron Ore 14

China's third-largest steelmaker, Wuhan Iron & Steel Co (WISCO), started exploratory drilling for iron ore in Madagascar's Soalala region in 2011. WISCO paid US$ 100 million for permits when Madagascar was under a “coup d’État”. Nobody knows how this amount was spent by the Government of Rajoelina (2009‒13). Many EJOs and conservationist organizations became concerned because Soalala is a region where the biodiversity is exceptional and vulnerable. It is close to Baly Bay National Park, which is known to be the successful alliance p. 265between terrestrial and marine and coastal ecosystems, and is the only habitat of the endemic turtle Angonoka. The company WISCO also plans to displace the communities living in this area.

TOTAL and MOIL Bemolanga Tar Sands 15

Bemolanga is a large oil sands deposit in the onshore Morondava Basin in the west of Madagascar. The field is located north of the Tsimiroro heavy oil field and east of the town of Morafenobe.

Madagascar Oil (MOIL), began further investigation in 2006 and the French company TOTAL joined the project in 2008. Together, they explored Block 3102 in Bemolanga, 170 km away from the west coast of Madagascar. Melaky, the region in the Central Western part of Madagascar, is one of the poorest regions of the island. The tar sands deposits adjoin two national parks and are also in the most arid part of the country. Over 100,000 villagers live in the region near Tsimiroro and Bemolanga. MOIL & TOTAL's proposal is potentially one of the dirtiest mining operations of its kind in the world, in a region where the local people have few options but to live next to it.

Illegal International Fishing in Madagascar 16

There is a pattern of plunder of African fisheries which here will be briefly touched upon. Madagascar has some of the richest fishing stocks on the continent. Its vast waters, however, are open to illegal, usually foreign, plunder. Fishing statistics in Madagascar are poorly recorded but back in 2008, an estimated 130,000 tons of fish were illegally caught in Madagascar by foreign trawlers, threatening the livelihood of an estimated 100,000 people. The foreign pirate ships operate at night and are rarely caught.

Madagascar, one of the world's poorest countries, had just 11 police speed boats to patrol its 4828-km coast. Under the cover of darkness, gangs from massive Chinese, Thai and South-Korean vessels, bring down illegal fishing nets fitted with deep hooks to trap high-value fish such as prawns, mackerel, tuna and shark, which are then sold for a significant profit in the markets of Beijing, Seoul and Kuala Lumpur. For WWF-Madagascar, if this continues, the social and environmental results could be very negative, since they would bring the ecosystem to the brink of collapse. The disappearance of sharks, for example, would devastate local marine habitats.

Apart from Asiatic vessels, there have been also international agreements on fisheries with the European Union. Madagascar was the first Indian Ocean country to sign, in 1986, a fishing agreement with the EU. In fact, it retains strong economic links with its former colonial ruler, France.

CONCLUSION: PEASANTRIES FACING “EXTRACTION FRONTIERS” IN THE INTERNATIONAL DIVISION OF NATURE AND LABOUR

Mozambique and Madagascar are two large neighbouring countries, with populations of 30 and 26 million people respectively, less than one per cent of the world's inhabitants. Madagascar is part of the Françafrique and perhaps becoming part of the Chinafrique. Both p. 266countries have a recent colonial past and are home to a numerous peasantry; at the same time, they are new “commodity extraction frontiers” in the international division of nature. In Madagascar, fisheries, nickel, cobalt, ilmenite, agricultural plantations, rosewood for export, heavy oil and the biodiversity are considered a commodity. In Mozambique, coal, gas and oil, hydropower, aluminium, plantation forests for paper pulp and again for the carbon credit market. All such investments are driven by foreign capital. There are environmental organizations in both countries, with the remarkable presence in Mozambique of Justiça Ambiental (Friends of the Earth).

The search for new materials and energy sources is speeding up because industrial economies are not circular but they are, instead, entropic, dissipating fossil fuel energy, tending towards deterioration and chaos. Thus, Tete province in Mozambique is a big source of coal and hydropower for exports. To feed the machine, new extraction frontiers are continuously commodified. The conflict in Cabo Delgado in Mozambique dominated the scene in 2021. The gas fields are said to be worth $128 billion, with Total's stake in the area closest to shore valued at $20 billion. No less important is the adverse impact on the global environment from the metabolic contribution in terms of fossil fuel energy that will be exported.

As we have seen, there are many other socio-environmental conflicts in Mozambique and Madagascar on aluminium smelting, on the use of hydropower, on sand mining for minerals, on illegal wood exports and fisheries, on coal and gas exports and on land grabbing.There is the defence of peasant agriculture against land grabbing investments (even sometimes for Jatropha, an inedible crop processed into biodiesel). Organizations belonging to Via Campesina are active here, in instances of intersectionality between agrarian and environmental movements. There are also conflicts on “tree plantations” either for paper pulp or meant to absorb carbon dioxide – an international environmental justice organization, World Rainforest Movement, denounces them.

Madagascar houses a unique biodiversity. In Africa, as elsewhere, there are two main strands of environmentalism: the “cult of wilderness” and the “environmentalism of the poor and the indigenous” (to which a third must be added, “ecological modernization and eco-efficiency” that here we leave aside). Madagascar is clearly influenced by the NGOs focused on endemic species. “Convivial conservation” could be one point of encounter between conservation and the environmentalism of the poor. We have seen however a couple of biodiversity conservation conflicts where this lack of confluence is salient. The so-called “global environment and conservation movement” (epitomised by the membership of IUCN) excludes many organizations dedicated to environmental justice. Therefore, confluence between BINGOS (subsidized to some extent by extractive companies) and the environmentalism of the poor and the Indigenous is not easy. However, when confronted with land grabbing, water grabbing and pollution of various sorts caused by corporations, the poor people defend the environment because of their vital interest in keeping their own threatened sources of livelihood safe and also, not least, because of their social values manifested in institutions such the cult of sepulchres in Madagascar.

Madagascar is not only the field of operation of BINGOs attracted by its endemic biodiversity, and resorting sometimes to “militarized conservation”; it also has local environmental organizations such as TANY and the Alliance Voahary Gasy, perhaps more effective in dissemination of information than in grassroots activism which is difficult in the country. There are many complaints about government corruption.

The discussion on “extractivism” in Africa (a provider of slaves and commodities in history, and a provider now of preciosities and bulk raw materials as never before), in parallel to p. 267the discussion in Latin America, is bound to grow, grounded in notions of “resource curse” and “unequal exchange”. Some signs of an alternative can be also seen in the intersectionality between peasant and environmental complaints (as in the Portucel case in Mozambique) and in the intersectionality between anti-coloniality, anti-racism and environmentalism in so many other cases. We continue this discussion in the following chapter on the Gulf of Guinea.

Notes

1

Mozambique Gas Development Project, villagers dispossessed for offshore drilling, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique (Camila Rolando Mazzuca), EJAtlas.

Afungi LNG airport and construction camps, Mozambique (Rose Bridger, Stay Grounded), EJAtlas.

Martinez-Alier, J. and Bond, P. (2021). Was the Cabo Delgado massacre of March 2021 a curtain call for Mozambique's methane capitalism? Countercurrents.org, 3 April.

2

Green Resources AS Niassa Project (Patrick Bond), EJAtlas.

Quirimbas Community Carbon Project, Mozambique (Boaventura Monjane), EJAtlas.

3

Eucalyptus producer Portucel Group, Mozambique (Boaventura Mojane), EJAtlas.

Lemos, A. (coord.) (2011). Lords of the Land: preliminary analysis of the phenomenon of land grabbing in Mozambique. Justiça Ambiental and União Nacional de Camponeses (UNAC), Maputo.

Bicicleta, R., Muhelele, E.O. and Bernardo, V. (2020). Portucel in Mozambique: The reality behind the discourse of “Sustainable Plantations”, World Rainforest Movement, Bulletin 247, 13 January.

4

Coal mining in Tete Province by Vale and other companies, Mozambique (Boa Mojane, Martin Carbonell and Joan Martinez-Alier), EJAtlas.

5

BHP Billington Mozal aluminium smelter, Mozambique, EJAtlas.

6

A survey of environmental conflicts in Madagascar was made (in the EJOLT project) by Vahinala Raharinirina in 2013, and published in ALTERNATIVES SUD, vol 20. She was in 2021 Minister for the Environment in the country.

7

Holistic Forest Conservation Program by Air France and WWF, Madagascar, EJAtlas.

Amis de la Terre & Basta (2013). REDD+ à Madagascar: le carbone qui cache la forêt. Étude de cas à Madagascar.

8

Masoala rosewood illegal logging, Madagascar, EJAtlas.

9

Daewoo Maize and Biofuel Project, Madagascar (Aliza Tuttle), EJAtlas.

10

Varun land grabbing, Madagascar, EJAtlas.

11

Tozzi Green Ihorombe Agrofuels, Madagascar (Vahinala Raharinirina), EJAtlas.

12

Toliara sand mining for metals, Ranobe, Madagascar (Vahinala Raharinirina), EJAtlas.

Carver, E. (2019). Madagascar mine ignites protests, community division, Mongabay, 2 July.

Carver, E. (2019). Newsletter no. 127 (FR). Communiqué. Le mouvement populaire d’opposition au projet base Toliara continue. CRAAD-OI ‒ Centre de Recherches et d’Appui pour les Alternatives au Développement – Océan Indien. Collectif pour la défense des terres malgaches – TANY, 17 August.

Frontline Defenders (2019). Six-month suspended sentence handed down to nine human rights defenders, 20 November.

13

Ambatovy Mining Project, Madagascar (Vahinala Raharinirina), EJAtlas.

Soustras, L. (2017). Ambatovy: a tale of reverse development, The Ecologist, 23 November.

14

WISCO Soalala iron ore, Madagascar (Vahinala Raharinirina), EJAtlas.

15

TOTAL & MOIL Bemolonga Tar sands, Madagascar (Vahinala Raharinirina), EJAtlas.

MOIL Tsimiroro heavy oil, Madagascar, (Vahinala Raharinirina), EJAtlas.

16

Le Manach, F. (2012). The EU underpays Madagascar for access to fish: UBC research, UBC News.

Illegal fishing, Madagascar, EJAtlas.

EU Fishing activities, Madagascar, EJAtlas.

  • Aerthayil, M. 2000. Fishworkers Movement in Kerala (1977–1994). New Delhi: Indian Social Institute.

  • Agarwal, A., and Narain, S. 1991. Global Warming in an Unequal World: A Case of Environmental Colonialism. New Delhi: Centre for Science and Environment.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Agarwal, B. 1992. The gender and environment debate: Lessons from India. Feminist Studies 18 (1): 119158.

  • Agarwal, B. 2001. Participatory exclusions, community forests and gender: An analysis for South Asia and a conceptual framework. World Development 29 (10): 16231648.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Agoramoorthy, G., and Hsu, M.J. 2007. Is Taiwan's political and economic development an environmental nightmare? Environmental Politics 16 (3): 502512.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Agyeman, J., Bullard, R., and Evans, B., eds. 2003. Just Sustainabilities: Development in an Unequal World. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

  • Akbulut, B., Demaria, F., Gerber, J.F., and Martinez-Alier, J. 2019. Who promotes sustainability? Five theses on the relationships between the degrowth and the environmental justice movements. Ecological Economics 165: 29.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Alcadipani, R., and Medeiros, C.R. de O. 2020. When corporations cause harm: A critical view of corporate social irresponsibility and corporate crimes. Journal of Business Ethics 167 (2): 285297.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Alexander, P.B. 2015. Corporate Social Irresponsibility. New York, NY: Routledge.

  • Allan, B., Lewis, J.I., and Oatley, T. 2021. Green industrial policy and the global transformation of climate politics. Global Environmental Politics 21 (4): 119.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Allen, M. 1994. Undermining the Japanese Miracle. Work and Conflict in a Coalmining Community. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

  • Alonso-Fernández, P., and Regueiro-Ferreira, R.M. 2022. Extractivism, ecologically unequal exchange and environmental impact in South America: A study using Material Flow Analysis (1990–2017). Ecological Economics 194: 107351.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Álvarez, L., and Coolsaet, B. 2018. Decolonizing environmental justice studies: A Latin American perspective. Capitalism Nature Socialism 31 (2): 5069.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Anandhi, S. 1998. Reproductive bodies and regulated sexuality: Birth control debates in early twentieth century Tamil Nadu. In Mary E. John and Janaki. Nair, eds., A Question of Silence? The Sexual Economies of Modern India. Delhi: Kali for Women.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Anderson, A.B., May, P.H., and Balick, M.J. 1991. The Subsidy from Nature: Palm Forests, Peasantry, and Development on an Amazon Frontier. New York: Columbia University Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Anguelovski, I. 2014. Neighborhood as Refuge: Environmental Justice, Community Reconstruction, and Place-remaking in the City. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Anguelovski, I., and Martinez-Alier, J. 2014. The ‘environmentalism of the poor’ revisited: Territory and place in disconnected global struggles. Ecological Economics 102: 167176.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Antich, José.. 1931. La población de la Tierra. Estudios. Revista Ecléctica. 89. Valencia.

  • Antonetti, P., and Maklan, S. 2016. An extended model of moral outrage at corporate social irresponsibility. Journal of Business Ethics 135 (3): 429444.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Apostolopoulou, E., and Cortes-Vazquez, J.A. 2019. The Right to Nature. Social Movements, Environmental Justice and Neoliberal Natures. London: Routledge.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Armiero, M., and D’Alisa, G. 2012. Rights of resistance: The garbage struggles for environmental justice in Campania, Italy. Capitalism, Nature, Socialism 23 (4): 5268.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Armiero, M., and Sedrez, L. 2014. A History of Environmentalism: Local Struggles, Global Histories. London: Bloomsbury.

  • Armstrong, J.S. 1977. Social irresponsibility in management. Journal of Business Research 5 (3): 185213.

  • Arrhenius, S. 1890. On the influence of carbonic acid in the air upon the temperature of the ground. Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science: 237276.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Arrifano, G.P., Martín-Doimeadios, R.C.R., Jiménez-Moreno, M., Ramírez-Mateos, V., da Silva, N.F., Souza-Monteiro, J.R., Augusto-Oliveira, M., Paraense, R.S., Macchi, B.M., do Nascimento, J.L.M., and Crespo-Lopez, M.E. 2018. Large-scale projects in the Amazon and human exposure to mercury: The case-study of the Tucuruí Dam. Ecotoxicology and Environmental Safety 147: 299305.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Arrighi, G., Hopkins, T.K., and Wallerstein, I. 1989. Antisystemic Movements. London and New York: Verso Books.

  • Arsel, M. 2022. Climate change and class conflict in the Anthropocene: Sink or swim together? The Journal of Peasant Studies. https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2022.2113390.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Auyero, J., and Swistun, D.A. 2009. Flammable: Environmental Suffering in An Argentine Shantytown. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

  • Avery, D. 1974. Not on Queen Victoria's Birthday: The Story of the Rio Tinto Mines. Collins.

  • Avila, S. 2018. Environmental justice and the expanding geography of wind power conflicts. Sustainability Science 13 (3): 599616. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11625-018-0547-4.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Aydin, Cem I., Ozkaynak, B., Rodriguez-Labajos, B., and Yenilmez, T. 2017. Network effects in environmental justice struggles: An investigation of conflicts between mining companies and civil society organizations from a network perspective. PLoS One 12: 7.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ayres, R.U., and Kneese, A. 1969. Production, consumption, and externalities. The American Economic Review 59 (3): 282297.

  • Bandy, J., and Smith, J. 2005. Coalitions across Borders: Transnational Protest and the Neoliberal Order. Lanham, MD and Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Banerjee, S.B. 2017. Transnational power and translocal governance: The politics of corporate responsibility. Human Relations 71 (6): 796821.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Banerjee, S.B., Maher, R., and Krämer, R. 2021. Resistance is fertile: Toward a political ecology of translocal resistance. Organization. https://doi.org/10.1177/13505084219957.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Banerjee, S.B. 2021. Decolonizing deliberative democracy: Perspectives from below. Journal of Business Ethics. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10551-021-04971-5.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Banoub, D., Bridge, G., Bustos, B., Ertör, I., González-Hidalgo, M., and de los Reyes, J. 2020. Industrial dynamics on the commodity frontier: Managing time, space and form in mining, tree plantations and intensive aquaculture. Environment and Planning E: Nature and Space 4 (2). https://doi.org/10.1177/2514848620963362.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Barbora, S. 2017. Riding the Rhino: Conservation, conflicts, and militarisation of Kaziranga National Park in Assam. Antipode 49 (5): 11451163. https://doi.org/10.1111/anti.12329.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Barca, S. 2012. On working-class environmentalism. An historical and transnational overview. Interface. A Journal for and about Social Movements 4 (2): 6180.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Barca, S. 2020. Forces of Reproduction: Notes for a Counter-hegemonic Anthropocene. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

  • Barca, S., and Leonardi, E. 2018. Working-class ecology and union politics: A conceptual topology. Globalizations 15 (4): 487503.

  • Barreto, A.A. 2002. Vieques, the Navy, and Puerto Rican Politics. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida.

  • Bauer, S., Gusev, B., Belikhina, T., Moldagaliev, T., and Apsalikov, K. 2013. The legacies of Soviet nuclear testing in Kazakhstan: Fallout, public health and societal issues. In Radioactivity in the Environment (Vol. 19). Elsevier, 241258.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Beck, U. 1992. Risk Society. Towards a New Modernity. London: Sage.

  • Beckert, S. 2014. The Empire of Cotton: A New History of Global Capitalism. London: Allan Lane, Penguin.

  • Bell, K. 2020. Working-Class Environmentalism. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.

  • Bell, K. 2021. Diversity and Inclusion in Environmentalism. Abingdon: Routledge.

  • Berenschot, W., Afrizal, A.D., Hospec, O., et al.2022. Anti-corporate activism and collusion: The contentious politics of palm oil expansion in Indonesia. Geoforum 131: 3949.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bernstein, H. 2005. The environmentalism of the poor. A study of ecological conflicts and valuation (book review). Journal of Agrarian Change 5 (3): 429436.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Berta, L. 1913. Neomalthusianismo. Salud y Fuerza 52: 245248.

  • Berta, L. 1913. Per limitare la prole (I mezzi migliore per prevenire la gravidenza), Torino. Edizioni della rivista L’Educazione Sessuale.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bertuzzi, N. 2019. Political generations and the Italian environmental movement(s): Innovative youth activism and the permanence of collective actors. American Behavioral Scientist 63 (11): 15561577.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bhagwati, J. 2010. A new approach to tackling climate change. Financial Times, February 22. https://on.ft.com/3OxZnuD.

  • Bisht, A. 2021. Conceptualizing sand extractivism: Deconstructing an emerging resource frontier. The Extractive Industries and Society 8 (2). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2021.100904.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bisht, A. 2022. Sand futures: Post-growth alternatives for mineral aggregate consumption and distribution in the global south. Ecological Economics 191: 107233.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bisht, A., and Martinez-Alier, J. 2022. Coastal sand mining of heavy mineral sands: Contestations, resistance, and ecological distribution conflicts at HMS extraction frontiers across the world. Journal of Industrial Ecology. https://doi.org/10.1111/jiec.13358.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bjork-James, C., Checker, M., and Edelman, M. 2022. Transnational social movements: Environmentalist, indigenous, and agrarian visions for planetary futures. Annual Review of Environment and Resources 47: 583608.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Blaikie, P., and Brookfield, H. 1987. Land Degradation and Society. London: Methuen.

  • Blum, E. 2008. Love Canal Revisited. Race, Class, and Gender in Environmental Activism. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas.

  • Boelens, R., Cremers, L., and Zwarteveen, M., eds. 2011. Justicia Hídrica. Acumulación, conflicto y acción social. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bond, P. 2011. Carbon capital's trial, the Kyoto protocol's demise, and openings for climate justice. Capitalism Nature Socialism 22 (4): 217.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bond, P. 2014. Climate justice. In C. Death, ed., Critical Environmental Politics. London: Routledge, 133145.

  • Bonneuil, C., Choquet, P.-L., and Franta, B. 2021. Early warnings and emerging accountability: Total's responses to global warming, 1971–2021. Global Environmental Change 71. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2021.102386.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bontempi, A., Del Bene, D., and De Felice, L.J. 2021. Counter-reporting sustainability from the bottom-up: The case of the construction company We Build and dam related conflicts. Journal of Business Ethics. https://bit.ly/3nlq5L9.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bontempi, A.P. Venturi, Del Bene, D., Scheidel, A., Zaldo-Aubanell, Q., and Maneja, R. 2023. Conflict and conservation: On the role of protected areas for environmental justice. Global Environmental Change. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2023.102740

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Borras Jr, S.M. 2020. Agrarian social movements: The absurdly difficult but not impossible agenda of defeating right‐wing populism and exploring a socialist future. Journal of Agrarian Change 20 (1): 336.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Borrero, J.M. 1994. La Deuda Ecológica. Testimonio de una reflexión. Cali: FIPMA.

  • Boserup, E. 1965. The Conditions of Agricultural Growth: The Economics of Agrarian Change Under Population Pressure. London: Allen & Unwin.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Brand, U. etal. 2021. From planetary to societal boundaries: An argument for collectively defined self-limitation. Sustainability. Science, Practice and Policy 17 (1): 264291.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Broad, R., and Cavanagh, J. 1993. Plundering Paradise: The Struggle for the Environment in the Philippines. Berkley, Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Broad, R., and Cavanagh, J. 1999. The corporate accountability movement: Lessons and opportunities. The Fletscher Forum of World Affairs 23 (2): 151169.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Brock, A., and Dunlap, A. 2018. Normalising corporate counterinsurgency: Engineering consent, managing resistance and greening destruction around the Hambach coal mine and beyond. Political Geography 62: 3347.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Brown, P. 1987. Popular epidemiology: Community response to toxic waste-induced disease. Woburn, Massachusetts, Science, Technology, & Human Values 12 (3/4): 7885.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Brown, P. 1992. Popular epidemiology and toxic waste contamination: Lay and professional ways of knowing. Journal of Health and Social Behavior 33: 267281.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Brown, P. 1997. Popular epidemiology revisited. Current Sociology 45: 137156.

  • Bruno, K., Karliner, J., and Brotsky, C. 1999. Greenhouse gangsters vs. climate justice. CorpWatch. https://www.corpwatch.org/article/greenhouse-gangsters-vs-climate-justice.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bryant, B., and Mohai, P. 1992. Race and the Incidence of Environmental Hazards: A Time for Discourse. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

  • Bulffi, L. 1906. Grève des Ventres! (Meios práticos para evitar as familias numerosas). Porto: Tipografia Peninsular.

  • Bulffi, L. 1908. ¡Huelga de Vientres!, 5th ed. Barcelona: Editorial, Salud y Fuerza.

  • Bulffi, L. 1913. Exposición de doctrinas neomalthusianas y Doctor X Obturador Vaginal. Barcelona: Biblioteca de Salud y Fuerza.

  • Bullard, R. 1990. Dumping in Dixie: Race, Class, and Environmental Quality. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

  • Bullard, R. 1993. Confronting Environmental Racism. Voices from the Grassroots. Boston, MA: South End Press.

  • Bullard, R., and Johnson, G. 2000. Environmental justice: Grassroots activism and its impact on public policy decision making. Journal of Social Issues 6 (3): 555578. https://doi.org/10.1111/0022-4537.00184.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bunker, S. 1984. Modes of extraction, unequal exchange, and the progressive underdevelopment of an extreme periphery. The Brazilian Amazon. American Journal of Sociology 89: 10171064.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bunker, S. 1985. Underdeveloping the Amazon. Extraction, Unequal Exchange, and the Failure of the Modern State. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Burballa-Noria, A. 2019. Environmental justice claims and dimensions in anti-mega projects campaigns in Europe: The case of the forum against unnecessary and imposed megaprojects. In E. Apostopoulou and J. Cortes-Vaquez, eds., The Right to Nature. Social Movements, Environmental Justice and Neoliberal Natures. London: Routledge, 155167.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Burkett, P., and Foster, J.B. 2006. Metabolism, energy, and entropy in Marx's critique of political economy: Beyond the Podolinsky myth. Theory and Society 35: 109156.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Busch, T., Bauer, R., and Orlitzky, M. 2016. Sustainable development and financial markets: Old paths and new avenues. Business and Society 55 (3): 303329.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Büscher, B.E., and Fletcher, R. 2019. The case for convivial conservation. Undiscipline Environments. http://undisciplinedenvironments.org/index.php/2019/10/01/the-case-for-convivial-conservation/.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Caldwell, J. 1998. Malthus and the less developed world: The pivotal role of India. Population and Development Review 24 (4): 675696.

  • Camacho, D. 1998. The environmental justice movement. In D. Camacho, ed., Environmental Injustices, Political Struggles: Race, Class, and the Environment. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Capetillo, L. 1913. Por la libertad femenina. Cultura Obrera. New York: 13.

  • Cárcoba, A.C. 2000. El amianto en España. Colección Estudios. Madrid: Ediciones GPS. ISBN 84-95034-26-3.

  • Carlsson, C. 2008. Nowtopia: How Pirate Programmers, Outlaw Bicyclists and Vacant-lot Gardeners Are Inventing the Future Today. Oakland, CA: AK Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Carmin, J.A., and Ageyman, J., eds. 2010. Environmental Inequalities beyond Borders: Local Perspectives on Global Injustices. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Carrere, R. 2013. Oil palm in Africa: Past, present and future scenarios. World Rainforest Movement. https://bit.ly/30TUO4k.

  • Carrere, R., and Lohmann, L. 1996. Pulping the South. Industrial Tree Plantation and the World Paper Economy. London: Zed Books.

  • Castells, M. 1977. The Urban Question – A Marxist Approach. Cambridge: MIT Press (La Question urbaine, François Maspero, Paris, 1972).

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Castells, M. 1996. The Power of Identity. Oxford: Blackwell.

  • Castells, M. 1997. The Rise of the Network Society. Oxford: Blackwell.

  • Cattaneo, C. 2011. The money-free life of Spanish squatters. Chapter 10 in Anitra. Nelson, ed., Life Without Money. London: Pluto Press.

  • Centemeri, L., and Renou, G. 2017. Jusqu’où l’économie écologique pense-t-elle l’inégalité environnementale ? Autour de l’oeuvre de Joan Martinez-Alier. In C. Larrère, éd., Les inégalités environnementales. Paris: PUF, 5372.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Chaiyarak, B. 2009. Living in the midst of the mining industry in the Philippines and Japan: Community and civil society struggle to respond. In Maritime Asia. Understanding Confluences and Contestations, Continuities and Changes: Towards Transforming Society and Empowering People: The Work of 2009–2010 API Fellows.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Chang, S. 2014. 濁水溪三百年:歷史·社會·環境 (Three Hundred Years of the Zhuoshui River: History, Society, Environment). New Taipei City: Weicheng Publishing Company.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Charbonnier, P. 2020. Abondance et Liberté. Une histoire environnementale des idées politiques. Paris: La Découverte.

  • Chastagnaret, G. 2017. De fumées et de sang Pollution minière et massacre de masse Andalousie – XXe siècle. Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, XXIV + 423.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Chatterji, A., and Listokin, S. 2007. Corporate social irresponsibility. Democracy 3: 52.

  • Chatterton, P., and Pickerell, J. 2010. Everyday activism and transitions towards post-capitalist worlds. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 35: 475490.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Chen, H. 2009. 台灣水利史 (History of Irrigation in Taiwan). Taipei: Wu-Nan Book Inc.

  • Cheon, A., Kang, S.-T., and Ramachandran, S. 2021. Determinants of environmental conflict: When do communities mobilize against fossil fuel production? Journal of Conflict Resolution. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022002721999778.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Chertkovskaya, E., and Paulsson, A. 2020. Countering corporate violence: Degrowth, ecosocialism and organising beyond the destructive forces of capitalism. Organization 28 (3): 405425.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Chou, K.T. 2017. 氣候變遷社會學:高碳社會及其轉型挑戰 (Sociology of Climate Change: HighCarbon Society and its Transformation Challenge). Taipei: National Taiwan University Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Chueca, J. 1914. Eugenesia y Neomalthusianismo. Salud y Fuerza 142: 321322.

  • Chuluu, K.E. 2020. The Tongpo case: Indigenous institutions and environmental justice in China. Critical Asian Studies. https://doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2020.1854616.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Chung, H.M. 2006. Retracing the Meinung Anti-dam Movement in Taiwan. Taiwan: UTS.

  • Circular Economy. The circularity gap report, 2020. https://www.circularity-gap.world/2020.

  • Clark, C.E., Riera, M., and Iborra, M. 2021. Toward a theoretical framework of corporate social irresponsibility: Clarifying the gray zones between responsibility and irresponsibility. Business and Society. 00076503211015911.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Cline, W.R. 1992. The Economics of Global Warming. Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics.

  • Coggins, C., and Bixia, C. 2022. Sacred Forests of Asia. Spiritual Ecology and the Politics of Nature Conservation. London: Routledge.

  • Cohen, J. 1995. How Many People Can the Earth Support? New York: W.W. Norton & Company.

  • Conde, M. 2014. Activism mobilising science. Ecological Economics 105: 6777. DOI 10.1016/j.ecolecon.2014.05.012.

  • Conde, M., and Walter, M. 2022. Knowledge co-production in scientific and activist alliances: Unsettling coloniality. Engaging Science, Technology, and Society 8 (1): 150170. https://doi.org/10.17351/ests2022.479.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Corburn, J. 2005. Street Science: Community Knowledge and Environmental Health Justice. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

  • Coronil, F. 1994. Listening to the subaltern: The poetics of neocolonial states. Poetics Today 15 (4).

  • Cottrell, F. 1955. Energy and Society: The Relation Between Energy, Social Change, and Economic Development. New York: Toronto; London: Mc-Graw-Hill.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Cova, A. 2011. Féminismes et Néo-Malthusianismes sous la IIIe République: “La Liberté de la Maternité”. Paris: L’Harmattan.

  • Cova, A. 2020. Feminism and neo-Malthusianism. Encyclopédie d’histoire numérique de l’Europe. ISSN 2677–6588.

  • Crenshaw, K. 1989. Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: A Black feminist critique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory and antiracist politics. Legal Forum University of Chicago (1, Article 8). https://bit.ly/3u96mSE.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Crosby, Alfred W. 1986. Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900–1900. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

  • Custer, S., Dreher, A., Elston, T.B., Fuchs, A., Ghose, S., Lin, J., Malik, A., Parks, B.C., Russell, B., Solomon, K., and Strange, A. 2021. Tracking Chinese Development Finance: An Application of AidData's TUFF 2.0 Methodology. Williamsburg, VA: AidData at William & Mary.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • D’Alisa, G., Demaria, F., and Kallis, G., eds. 2014. Degrowth: A Vocabulary for a New Era. London: Routledge.

  • D’Eaubonne, F. 1974. Le Féminisme ou la mort. Paris: P. Houray.

  • D’Eaubonne, F. 2022. Feminism or Death. How the Women's Movement Can Save the Planet. London: Verso.

  • Daly, H. 1977. Steady State Economics. The Economics of Biophysical and Moral Growth. San Francisco: W.F. Freeman.

  • David, A. 1911. Feminismo Racional. Barcelona: Biblioteca editorial Salud y Fuerza.

  • Davidson, D.J. 2018. Metabolism. In M. Boström and D. Davidson, eds., Environment and Society. Palgrave Studies in Environmental Sociology and Policy. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76415-3_3.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • De Pietri-Tonelli, A. 1906. La teoria malthusiana della popolazione. Carpi: Tip. Giuseppe Rossi.

  • De Pietri-Tonelli, A. 1911. Il Problema della procreazione (Inquiesta sul neomalthusianismo). Milano: Casa editrici di Avanguardia.

  • Dehm, J. 2022. Environmental justice challenges to international economic ordering. American Journal of International Law 116: 101106.

  • Del Bene, D., Scheidel, A., and Temper, L. 2018. More dams, more violence? A global analysis on resistances and repression around conflictive dams through co-produced knowledge. Sustainability Science 13 (3): 617633. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11625-018-0558-1.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Delap, L. 2020. Feminisms: A Global History. London: Pelican.

  • Deleuze, G., and Guattari, F. 1980. A Thousand Plateaus. 1980 Les Éditions de Minuit (French)/1987 University of Minnesota Press (English). London and New York: Continuum, 2004.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Delina, L. 2021. Topographies of coal mining dissent: Power, politics, and protests in southern Philippines. World Development 137: 105194.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Dell’Angelo, J., Navas, G., Witteman, M., D’Alisa, G., Scheidel, A., and Temper, L. 2021. Commons grabbing and agribusiness: Violence, resistance and social mobilization. Ecological Economics. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2021.107004.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Della Porta, D., and Diani, M. 2020. Social Movements: An Introduction. New Jersey: Wiley, Blackwell.

  • Della Porta, D., and Portos, M. 2021. Rich kids of Europe? Social basis and strategic choices in the climate activism of Fridays for Future. Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica, First View, 1–26. https://doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2021.54.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Della Porta, D., and Rucht, D. 2002. The dynamics of environmental campaigns. Mobilization: An International Journal 7 (1): 114.

  • Demaria, F. 2010. Shipbreaking at Alang-Sosiya (India): An ecological distribution conflict. Ecological Economics 70 (2): 250260.

  • Demaria, F. 2023. The Political Ecology of Informal Waste Recyclers in India. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

  • Demaria, F., and Schindler, S. 2015. Contesting urban metabolism: Struggles over waste‐to‐energy in Delhi, India. Antipode 48 (2): 293313.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Demaria, F., Schneider, F., Sekulova, F., and Martinez-Alier, J. 2013. What is degrowth? From an activist slogan to a social movement. Environmental Values 22 (2): 191215.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Derdak, T., and Hast, A. 1991. Mitsui mining company limited history. In International Directory of Company Histories, volume 4. St James Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Desai, S. 1998. Engendering population policy. In M. Krishnaraj, R. Sudarshan and A. Shariff, eds., Gender, Population and Development. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 4469.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Di Chiro, G. 1992. Defining environmental justice. Women's voices and grassroots politics. Socialist Review 22 (4): 93130.

  • Di Chiro, G. 1998. Nature as community. The convergence of social and environmental justice. In M. Goldman, ed., Privatizing Nature: Political Struggles for the Global Commons. London: Pluto.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Di Chiro, G. 2021. Mobilizing “intersectionality” in environmental justice research and action in a time of crisis. In B. Coolsaet, ed., Environmental Justice. Key Issues. Abingdon, Oxford: Routledge.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Diani, M. 2022. From environmental (movement) organizations to the organizing of environmental collective action. In M. Grasso and M. Giugni, eds., The Routledge Handbook of Environmental Movements. London and New York: Routledge.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Domènech, C., De Pablo, J., and Ayora, C. (2002). Oxidative dissolution of pyritic sludge from the Aznalcóllar mine (SW Spain). Chemical Geology 190 (1‒4): 339‒353.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Dorninger, C., Hornborg, A., Abson, D.J., von Wehrden, H., Schaffartzik, A., Giljum, S., Engler, J.-O., Feller, R.L., Hubacek, K., and Wieland, H. 2021. Global patterns of ecologically unequal exchange: Implications for sustainability in the 21st century. Ecological Economics 179: 106824.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Drouard, A. 1992. Aux Origines de L’Eugenisme en France: le néo-malthusianisme (1896–1914). Population 2: 435460.

  • Drozdz, M. 2020. Maps and protest. In International Encyclopaedia of Human Geography. London: Elsevier, 367378. https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-08-102295-5.10575-X.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Drysdale, Ch. 1908. Dignidad, Libertad e Independencia. Barcelona: Biblioteca Editorial Salud y Fuerza.

  • D’Souza, R. 2003. Environmental discourse and environmental politics. In Smitu. Kothari, Imtiaz. Ahmad and Helmut. Reifeld, eds., The Value of Nature. Ecological Politics in India. Delhi: Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, Rainbow Publishers.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Duany, J. 2003. The Puerto Rican Nation on the Move: Identities on the Island and in the United States. Durham, NC: University of North Carolina Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Dunlap, A. 2019. ‘Agro sí, mina NO!’ The Tía Maria copper mine, state terrorism and social war by every means in the Tambo Valley, Peru. Political Geography 71: 1025. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2019.02.001.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Dunlap, A., and Riquito, M. 2023. Social warfare for lithium extraction? Open-pit lithium mining, counterinsurgency tactics and enforcing green extractivism in northern Portugal. Energy Research & Social Science 95: 102912.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Dunlap, R.E., and York, R. 2008. The globalization of environmental concern and the limits of the postmaterialist values explanation: Evidence from four multinational surveys. The Sociological Quarterly 49 (3): 529563.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Egan, M. 2002. Subaltern Environmentalism in the United States: A historiographic review. Environment and History 8 (1): 2141. https://doi.org/10.3197/096734002129342585.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ehrlich, P.R. 1968. The Population Bomb. New York: Ballantine.

  • Elkington, J. 1997. Cannibals with Forks: The Triple Bottom Line of Twenty-First Century Business. Oxford: Capstone.

  • Ertör, I. 2021. ‘We are the oceans, we are the people!’: Fisher people's struggles for blue justice. The Journal of Peasant Studies. https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2021.1999932.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Escobar, A. 2008. Territories of Difference: Place, Movements, Life, Redes. Durham: Duke UP.

  • Fabbri, L. 1914. Generazioni Cosciente (appunti sul neo-malthusianismo). Florence: Istituto Editoriale Il Pensiero.

  • Fan, M.F.(范玫芳) 2006. Environmental justice and nuclear waste conflicts in Taiwan. Environmental Politics 15 (3): 417–434. https://bit.ly/2WkY2R1.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fanari, E. 2019. Relocation from protected areas as a violent process in the recent history of biodiversity conservation in India. Ecology, Economy and Society – The INSEE Journal 2 (1): 4376. https://doi.org/10.37773/ees.v2i1.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Faure, S. 1904. El Problema de la Población. Barcelona: Biblioteca Amor y Maternidad Libre.

  • Faure, S. 1935. Alrededor del asunto de las esterilizaciones. Estudios 142: 35.

  • Fearnside, P.M. 1997. Environmental services as a strategy for sustainable development in rural Amazonia. Ecological Economics 20 (1): 5370.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fearnside, P.M. 1999. Social impacts of Brazil's Tucuruí dam. Environmental Management 24 (4): 483495.

  • Ferdinand, M. 2019. Une écologie décoloniale. Penser l’écologie depuis Le Monde Caribéen. Paris: Seuil (English trans. Polity, 2021).

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ferdinand, M. 2022. Behind the colonial silence of wilderness: “In Marronage lies the search of a world”. Environmental Humanities 14 (1): 182201. https://doi.org/10.1215/22011919-9481506.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ferrero Blanco, M.D. 1999. Capitalismo minero y resistencia rural en el suroeste andaluz: Rio Tinto, 1873–1900. Huelva: Diputación Provincial.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fischer-Kowalski, F., and Haberl, H., eds. 2007. Socioecological Transitions and Global Change: Trajectories of Social Metabolism and Land Use. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing Limited.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fischer-Kowalski, F., and Haberl, H. 2015. Social metabolism: A metrics for biophysical growth and degrowth. Chapter 5 in J. Martinez-Alier and R. Muradian, eds., Handbook of Ecological Economics. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fischer-Kowalski, M. 1998. Society's metabolism. The intellectual history of materials flow analysis, part I, 1860–1970. Journal of Industrial Ecology 2 (1): 6178.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fischer-Kowalski, M., and Haberl, H. 1997. Tons, Joules and money: Modes of production and their sustainability problems. Society and Natural Resources 10 (1): 6185.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fjelland, R. 2016. When lay people are right and experts are wrong: Lessons from Love canal. International Journal for Philosophy of Chemistry 22 (1): 105125.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fomičev, V. 2014. Marx's excerpt von S.A. Podolinsky: Le Travail Human et la Conservation de l’Energie (Review international de sciences biologiques, 1880). Beiträge zur Marx-Engels Forschung. Neue Folge 2012. Hamburg: Argument Verlag.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Foster, J.B. 2000. Marx's Ecology: Materialism and Nature. New York: Monthly Review Press.

  • Franco, M.P.V. 2019. Essays on the History and Philosophy of Ecological Economic Thought. PhD Dissertation.

  • Franco, M.P.V. and Missener, A. 2022. A History of Ecological Economic Thought. London: Routledge.

  • Franks, D. 2020. Reclaiming the neglected minerals of development. The Extractive Industries and Society 7 (2). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2020.02.002.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fraser, N. 2010. Scales of Justice, Reimagining Political Space in a Globalizing World. New York: Columbia UP.

  • Fraser, N. 2022. Cannibal Capitalism: How Our System is Devouring Democracy, Care, and the Planet and What We Can Do About It. London: Verso Books.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Freire, J., and Lousada, M.A. 1982. O neomalthusianismo na propaganda libertária. Análise Social 18: 13671395.

  • Freschi, N. 2018. Taiwan's Nuclear Dilemma, The Diplomat, 14 March.

  • Friends of the Earth International. 2005. Climate debt. Making historical responsibility part of the solution. https://www.eldis.org/document/A21399.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Funtowicz, S.O., and Ravetz, J.R. 1993. Science for the post-normal age. Futures 25 735755.

  • Funtowicz, S.O., and Ravetz, J.R. 1994. The worth of a songbird: Ecological economics as a post-normal science. Ecological Economics 10 (3): 197207.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Gadgil, M. 2018. Sacred groves: An ancient tradition of nature conservation. Scientific American 319: 6.

  • García, V. 1913. El cortejo de los hambrientos o la emigración europea. Salud y Fuerza 51: 233.

  • García, V. 1913. El neomalthusianismo y la guerra. Salud y Fuerza 51: 234236.

  • Gehman, J., Lefsrud, L.M., and Stewart, F. 2017. Social license to operate: Legitimacy by another name? Canadian Public Administration 60 (2): 293317. https://doi.org/10.1111/capa.12218.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • George, T., and Toroku, S. 2013. Mountain dreams, chemical nightmares. In Ian Jared. Miller, Julia Adeney. Thomas, and Brett L. Walker, eds., Japan at Nature's Edge: The Environmental Context of a Global Power. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Georgescu-Roegen, N. 1960. Economic theory and agrarian economics. Oxford Economic Papers 12 (1): 140.

  • Georgescu-Roegen, N. 1971. The Entropy Law and the Economic Process. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

  • Georgescu-Roegen, N. 1975. Energy and economic myths. Southern Economic Journal 41 (3): 347381.

  • Gerber, J.F. 2011. Conflicts over industrial tree plantations in the South: Who, how and why? Global Environmental Change 21 (1): 165176.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Gerber, J.F. 2016. The legacy of K. William Kapp. Development and Change. https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12238.

  • Gerber, J.F. 2020. Anti-mining conflicts and degrowth. Commodity Frontiers 1: 2831. https://doi.org/10.18174/CF.2020a17968.

  • Gerber, J.F., Akbulut, B., Demaria, F., and Martinez-Alier, J. 2021. Degrowth and environmental justice: An alliance between two movements. In B. Coolsaet, ed., Environmental Justice. Key Issues. Abingdon: Earthscan/Routledge.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Gerber, J.F., Veuthey, S., and Martinez-Alier, J. 2009. Linking political ecology with ecological economics in tree plantation conflicts in Cameroon and Ecuador. Ecological Economics 68 (12): 28852889. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2009.06.029.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Giampietro, M. 2019. On the circular bioeconomy and decoupling: Implications for sustainable growth. Ecological Economics 162: 143156.

  • Giampietro, M., and Funtowicz, S.O. 2020. From elite folk science to the policy legend of the circular economy. Environmental Science & Policy 109: 6472. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.envsci.2020.04.012.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Giampietro, M., and Mayumi, K. 2009. The Biofuel Delusion: The Fallacy of Large Scale Agro-Biofuels Production. London: Routledge.

  • Gibson-Graham, J.K. 2008. Diverse economies: Performative practices for other worlds. Progress in Human Geography 32 (5): 613632. https://doi.org/10.1177/0309132508090821

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ginanjar, W.R., and Mubarrok, A.Z. 2020. Civil society and global governance: The indirect participation of extinction rebellion in global governance on climate change. Journal of Contemporary Governance and Public Policy 1 (1): 4152.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Gini, C. 1912. Fattori demografici. Turin: Fratelli Bocca, editori.

  • Gini, C. 1928. Il numero come forza. Critica Fascista 19: 466468.

  • Giorni, S. 1922. El Neo-Malthusianismo e la guerra mondiale. Florence: Società Editoriale Neo-Malthusiana.

  • Giroud, G. 1937. Paul Robin. Sa vie, Ses idées, Son action. Paris: G. Mignolet & Storz.

  • Glaser, A., and Ramana, M.V. 2007. Weapon-grade plutonium production potential in the Indian prototype fast breeder reactor. Science & Global Security 15 (2): 85105.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Godard, O. 2012. Ecological debt and historical responsibility revisited: The case of climate change. EUI Working Papers. https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/23430.

  • Goldman, E. 1930. Living My Life. New York: Dover.

  • Gomez Baggethun, E. 2020. More is more: Scaling political ecology within limits to growth. Political Geography 76. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2019.102095.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Gonzalez de Molina, M., and Toledo, V.M. 2014. The Social Metabolism. A Socio-Ecological Theory of Historical Change. Cham: Springer.

  • Gordon, L. 1976. Woman's Body, Woman's Right: A Social History of Birth Control in America. New York: Grossman Publications.

  • Gordon, R. 1999. Poisons in the fields: The UFW, pesticides, and environmental politics. Pacific Historical Review 68 (1): 5177.

  • Gottlieb, R. 2005. Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement. Washington, DC: Island Press.

  • Gottlieb, R. 2009. Where we live, work, play… and eat: Expanding the environmental justice agenda. Environmental Justice 2: 78.

  • Gottlieb, R., and Joshi, A. 2010. Food Justice. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

  • Gudynas, E. 2009. Diez tesis urgentes sobre el nuevo extractivismo. Extractivismo, política y sociedad 187: 187225. https://bit.ly/2yib7w5.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Gudynas, E. 2014. We need a mining moratorium given the obsession for gold. Envío 327. https://bit.ly/2Z7MpPL.

  • Guha, R., and Martinez-Alier, J. 1997. Varieties of Environmentalism. Essays North and South. London: Earthscan.

  • Guha, R., and Martinez-Alier, J. 1999. Political ecology, the environmentalism of the poor and the global movement for environmental justice. Kurswechsel 3: 2740.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Guha, Ramachandra.. 1989. The Unquiet Woods: Ecological Change and Peasant Resistance in the Himalaya. Delhi: Oxford University Press.

  • Guha, Ramachandra.. 2010. Makers of Modern India. New Delhi: Penguin.

  • Guha, Ranajit.., ed. 1989. Subaltern Studies VI: Writings on South Asian History (Vol. 6, p. 335). Oxford: Oxford University Press.

  • Guzmán López, F. 2018. Megaminería y 7 maldades del despojo territorial. Berlin: Editorial Académica Española.

  • Haas, W., Krausmann, F., Wiedenhofer, D., and Heinz, M. 2015. How circular is the global economy?: An assessment of material flows, waste production, and recycling in the European Union and the world in 2005. Journal of Industrial Ecology. https://doi.org/10.1111/jiec.12244.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Haas, W., Krausmann, F., Wiedenhofer, D., Lauk, C., and Mayer, A. 2020. Spaceship earth's odyssey to a circular economy – a century long perspective. Resources, Conservation and Recycling 163: 105076.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Haberl, H., Erb, K.H., Plutzar, C., Fischer-Kowalski, M., Krausmann, F., Hak, T., Moldan, B., and Dahl, A.L. 2007. Human appropriation of net primary production (HANPP) as indicator for pressures on biodiversity. In T. Hak, B. Moldan, A.L. and Dahl, eds., Sustainability Indicators. A Scientific Assessment. Washington, DC, Covelo, London: SCOPE, Island Press, 271288.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Haberl, H., Steinberger, J.K., Plutzar, C., Erb, K.-H., Gaube, V., Gingrich, S., and Krausmann, F. 2012. Natural and socioeconomic determinants of the embodied human appropriation of net primary production and its relation to other resource use indicators. Ecological Indicators 23: 222231.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Håkansson, N.T. 2004. The human ecology of world systems in East Africa: The impact of the ivory trade. Human Ecology 32 (5): 561591.

  • Hamilton, C. 2013. Earthmasters: The Dawn of the Age of Climate Engineering. New Haven: Yale University Press.

  • Hanaček, K., and Martinez-Alier, J. 2022. Nuclear supply chain and environmental justice struggles in Soviet and Post-Soviet countries. Post-Communist Economies 34 (7): 966994.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hanaček, K., Kröger, M., Scheidel, A., Rojas, F., and Martinez-Alier, J. 2022. On thin ice. The Arctic commodity extraction frontier and environmental conflicts. Ecological Economics 191. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2021.107247.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hardin, G. 1974. Life boat ethics: The case against helping the poor. Psychology Today, Sept.

  • Harich, W. 1975. Kommunismus ohne Wachstum. Babeuf und der Club of Rome. Reinbek – Hamburg: Rowohlt.

  • Hartmann, B. 1994. Reproductive Rights and Wrongs: The Global Politics of Population Control, 3rd ed. Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books, 2016.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Harvey, D. 1995. Globalization in question. Rethinking Marxism 8 (4): 117.

  • Harvey, D. 2002. The art of rent: Globalisation, monopoly and the commodification of culture. Socialist Register 38.

  • Harvey, D. 2003. Accumulation by dispossession. In The New Imperialism. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

  • Hassaniyan, A. 2021. The environmentalism of the subalterns: A case study of environmental activism in Eastern Kurdistan/Rojhelat. Local Environment. https://doi.org/10.1080/13549839.2021.1933927.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hays, S.P. 1987. Beauty, Health, and Permanence: Environmental Politics in the United States, 1955–1985. New York: Cambridge University Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hays, S.P. 1995. The Response to Industrialism, 1885–1914. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

  • Hays, S.P. 1999. Conservation and the Gospel of Efficiency: The Progressive Conservation Movement, 1890–1920. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hayter, R. 2003. Relocating resource peripheries to the core of economic geography's theorizing: Rationale and agenda. Area 35 (1): 1523.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Healy, H., Martinez-Alier, J., Temper, L., Walter, M., and Gerber, J.F., eds. 2012. Ecological Economics from the Ground Up. London: Routledge.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hickel, J. 2019. The contradiction of the sustainable development goals: Growth versus ecology on a finite planet. Sustainable Development 27 (5): 873884. https://doi.org/10.1002/sd.1947.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hickel, J. 2021. The anti-colonial politics of degrowth. Political Geography 88.

  • Hickel, J., and Kallis, G. 2020. Is green growth possible? New Political Economy. https://doi.org/10.1080/13563467.2019.1598964.

  • Hickel, J., Dorniger, C., Wieland, H.P., and Suwandig, I. 2022. Imperialist appropriation in the world economy: Drain from the global South through unequal exchange, 1990–2015. Global Environmental Change 73: 102467.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ho, M.S. 2011. Environmental movement in democratizing Taiwan (1980–2004): A political opportunity structure perspective. Chapter in J. Broadbent and V. Brockman, eds., East Asian Social Movements. Power, Protest, and Change in a Dynamic Region. Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-09626-1_13.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ho, M.S. 2013. Lukang anti-DuPont movement (Taiwan). African and Asian Studies 4 (3): 237269.

  • Ho, M.S. 2014. Resisting naphtha crackers. A historical survey of environmental politics in Taiwan. China Perspectives 2014 (2014/3): 514.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ho, M.S., and Su, F.S. 2008. Control by containment: The politics of institutionalizing pollution disputes in Taiwan. Environment and Planning A 40 (10): 24022418. 林園事件: 全國最大的一個污染糾紛事件 (Linyuan event: One of the largest pollution disputes around the country).

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Holden, W.N. 2013. The least of my brethren: Mining, indigenous peoples, and the Roman Catholic church in the Philippines. Worldviews 17 (3): 205238. Published By: Brill. https://bit.ly/3nr9MMQ.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Holden, W.N., and Jacobson, D. 2007. Ecclesial opposition to nonferrous metals mining in the Philippines: Neoliberalism encounters liberation theology. Asian Studies Review 31 (2): 133154. https://doi.org/10.1080/10357820701373291.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Honneth, A. 1995. The Struggle for Recognition: The Moral Grammar of Social Conflicts. Cambridge: Polity Press.

  • Honneth, A. 2001. Recognition or redistribution? Theory, Culture, Society 18 (23). https://doi.org/10.1177/0263276012205177.

  • Hornborg, A. 1998. Towards an ecological theory of unequal exchange. Articulating world system theory and ecological economics. Ecological Economics 25: 127136.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hornborg, A. 2005. Footprints in the cotton fields: The Industrial Revolution as time–space appropriation and environmental load displacement. Ecological Economics 59: 7481.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hornborg, A., and Martinez-Alier, J. 2016. Ecologically unequal exchange and ecological debt, (Special issue). Journal of Political Ecology 23: 328333. https://doi.org/10.2458/v23i1.20220.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hornborg, A., McNeill, J.R., and Martinez-Alier, J., eds. 2007. Rethinking Environmental History, World-System History and Global Environmental Change. Lanham, MD: Altamira Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hoshino, Y., and Iijima, N. 1992. Chapter 5: The Miike coal-mine explosion. In J. Ui, ed., Industrial Pollution in Japan. United Nations University Press. https://archive.unu.edu/unupress/unupbooks/uu35ie/uu35ie0f.htm.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hou, J. 2000. Cultural production of environmental activism: Two cases in Southern Taiwan. In Fifth Annual Conference on the History and Culture of Taiwan. University of California, Los Angeles. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/242152563_Cultural_Production_of_Environmental_Activism_Two_Cases_in_Southern_Taiwan.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Howarth, R.B. 2011. Intergenerational justice. The Oxford Handbook of Climate Change and Society. https://www.uvm.edu/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199566600.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780199566600.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hsiao, H.H.M., Milbrath, L.W., and Weiler, R.P. 1995. Antecedents of an environmental movement in Taiwan. Capitalism Nature Socialism 6 (3): 91104. https://doi.org/10.1080/10455759509358644.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Huang, P.I. 2014. Rediscovering local environmentalism in Taiwan. CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture 16 (4). https://bit.ly/2Mo05Ps.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Infante-Amate, J., Urrego Mesa, A., and Tello Aragay, E. 2020. Las venas abiertas de América Latina en la era del antropoceno: un estudio biofísico del comercio exterior (1900–2016). Diálogos Revista Electrónica de Historia 21 (2): 177214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.4029470.