22: Religious groups as environmental activists
Open access

We first recall counterexamples where religion is used to exclude poor people from access to nature, e.g. high-caste Hindus consider rivers as sacred and simultaneously exclude Dalits from water use. We also recall the strong links between European Christianity and coloniality. Moreover, religion does not always mean organised religions with scriptures and clergy. In human societies, the difference between natural entities and anthropomorphic or zoomorphic religious beings is not clear cut. Snowed mountain tops are worshipped as Apus in the Andes. In India many Indigenous villages conserve sacred groves. In this thematic chapter we review Buddhist monks struggling against eucalyptus plantations in Thailand, hydropower and mining in Tibet; Christian clergy in The Philippines and Brazil helping local EJOs; African religion inspiring quilombolas in peri-urban Brazil, and Indigenous pre-colonial religious beliefs deployed in Mexico, Indonesia, Australia; and finally, an Iftar dinner on the pavement of a street in Istanbul in 2013 by young “anti-capitalist Muslims”.

INTRODUCTION: SACREDNESS MAY BE DEPLOYED AGAINST THE COMMODIFICATION OF NATURE

One can easily think of secular cultural values, such as those of the UN Universal Declarations of Human Rights of 1948, or as embodied in the Constitution of India of 1949 largely written by B. R. Ambedkar. However, while not all cultural or social values are religious, it is difficult to think of religious values which are not embedded in culture. Religious values overlap with cultural values.

Organized religious participants are usually absent in environmental conflicts. Moreover, the main activists and academic personalities of political ecology are “secular”, not affiliated with any religious denomination but often with attachment to spirituality. However, among the 3,600 cases recorded in the EJAtlas in January 2022, about 430 featured “religious participants”, with greater frequency in Latin America and Southeast Asia. In coastal South India some Christian groups are active, as also in the Philippines. Buddhists are present in the rest of Asia. There are other religious beliefs present in environmental conflicts such as Yoruba religion in Afro-American populations in Brazil and elsewhere. Moreover, there is another cluster of Christian participants in South Africa. In Latin America, Catholic Liberation Theology is very much present. This chapter focuses both on organized religions and on Indigenous belief systems, overlapping with Chapter 25 that deals with “Indigenous revival and resistance at the extraction frontiers around the world”.

IN ASIA

Excluding Dalits from Water Sources in the Name of Religion 1

We start by remembering the many counterexamples where religion is used to exclude poor people from access to nature, such as high-caste Hindus who consider rivers as sacred and simultaneously exclude Dalits from water use. A famous episode in Dalit-liberation history was the Mahad Satyagraha or Chavdar Tale Satyagraha called by Dr B.R. Ambedkar on 20 March 1927 to allow so-called untouchables to use water in a public tank in Mahad, Maharashtra. If Dalits used the water, then high-caste Hindus would perform sacred rites to purify it. Such beliefs and customs are alive in today's India.

Simultaneously, in contrast, in India there are also heroic Hindu religious defences of rivers against pollution and sand mining to the point of death in hunger strikes. For instance, as reported in the Guardian by Michael Safi on 12 October 2018, an environmental defender (with both secular and religious identities) died on the 111th day of a hunger strike to pressure the government to clean the Ganges River.p. 488

GD Agarwal, a former professor of environmental engineering at one of India's top universities, died in hospital in the north Indian city of Rishikesh… Doctors told local media he had a hernia, high blood pressure and a coronary artery disease, all of which were exacerbated by the fast. Agarwal, who also went by the monastic name Swami Gyan Swaroop Sanand, had been fasting since 22 June to protest against the government's inaction in cleaning the Ganges. The 2,525 km Ganga is worshiped by most Hindus as a goddess, but for vast stretches is heavily polluted by the discharge of untreated sewage and industrial waste.

There are other instances of such religious and environmental actions in defence of rivers. Thus, in June 2011 Swami Nigamananda Saraswati died after a four-month fast in protest against reckless sand mining and stone crushing on the banks of the Ganges, near Haridwar, a pilgrimage site in Uttarakhand. Millions of pilgrims visit this holy place to dip in the Ganges during Kumbh Mela to wash away their sins. A few days before Swami Nigamananda died, the Uttarakhand government ordered a ban on sand mining following a directive of the Uttarakhand High Court that expressed concerns over the degradation of the river's ecology and the area used for Kumbh celebrations (Sharma 2012).

Sacred Groves in India

In India there are also many examples of Adivasi communities displaying religious values when they defend small common forests, known as “sacred groves”, which according to world expert Madhav Gadgil (2018)

are patches of primeval forest that some rural communities protect as abodes of deities. Such “ecosystem people” draw their livelihoods from nearby resources and value nature for the ecological services it provides. Colonial resource extraction devastated the ancient network of sacred groves in India. Thousands survived, however, and some are being newly established because of the ecological benefits that communities derive from them.

In other regions of Asia there are forests which are sacred to local populations: the karchall mabhuy of the Katu people of Central Vietnam, the leuweng kolot of the Baduy people of West Java, the fengshui forests of southern China, the mauelsoop and bibosoop of Korea, and more (Coggins and Bixia 2022).

Adivasi populations in India have their own religions, so tribal sacred groves have little to do with the official and invasive Hindu religion. Gadgil narrates a visit to a famous village, Mendha Lekha, in the Gadchiroli district, Maharashtra:

It was the middle of March in 2014. We were sitting under a mahua (Madhuca longifolia) tree in the hilly, forested heartland of India, breakfasting on locally grown rice, bean sprouts and fish curry. From time to time the fleshy, sugary petals of mahua flowers showered down on us, so we ended our meal with a refreshing sweet dish. My hosts were Gond tribals, residents of Mendha village who had declared a quarter of a century earlier that they, and they alone, would manage the region's rich natural resources. As a field ecologist, I had been working alongside them ever since. On that day I was looking forward to visiting the seven patches of forest they had identified for setting up as new sacred groves, covering more than 12 percent of their 1,800-hectare community forest.

The defence of the commons and of nature by religious values does not need affiliation to any organized religion such as Hinduism, Buddhism, Judaism, Christianity or Islam. It merges with the cultural values as in India in the defence of “sacred groves”, rivers and lakes (as the p. 489Niyamgiri Hill in Odisha, Chapter 8). In most human societies, the difference between purely natural entities and anthropomorphic or zoomorphic religious beings is not clear cut. Snowed mountain tops are worshipped as Apus in the Andes, as also in different regions of Asia. In the Andes worship might imply some days of collective work, as a ritual minga, cleaning up the irrigation channels bending down the slopes down to the valleys.

Buddhist Monks against Eucalyptus in Thailand 2

The Buddhist organized religion has been sometimes as rude and cruel to other populations as Hindus, Christians and Muslims have been. But there have been socio-ecological movements that have shown Buddhism at its best, as in Thailand in the 1980s against the Green Isan and Khor Jor Kor eucalyptus projects. Resistance peaked in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The “Isan Khiau” or “Green Isan” (Green the Northeast,1987‒92) and the “Khor Jor Kor” (1990‒92) were campaigns launched by an alliance of the pulp and paper industry, the Royal Forestry Department and the Army aimed at “regreening” North-eastern Thailand by planting eucalypts. The second project was even more brutal than the first one: it included the eviction of five million residents as part of an effort to plant around 1.4 million ha of eucalypts. It was described as “a pinnacle of state-directed authoritarian forestry” (Pye 2005).

The former monk Phra Prachak Kuttjitto led villagers in the Buriram province in opposing eucalypt plantations. Among the tactics used was that of “ordaining” trees to prevent them from being cut down by wrapping tree trunks with strips of monk's robes, saffron in colour. Villages were surrounded by troops, houses dismantled, leaders detained and Phra Prachak Kuttjitto arrested. The project resulted in one of the biggest demonstrations in Thai history, targeted at the military junta. The junta was finally forced to back down in 1992. After continuing protests, the government scrapped the military's eviction programme, suspended “reforestation” with eucalypts and imposed a ceiling of 8 ha on commercial tree plantations.

In 1994, local opposition to a eucalypt-planting Royal Forest Department (RFD) development programme in Roi Et became very strong; villagers chopped down over 300 ha of eucalypts in order to replace them with community-conserved forests of native species. Throughout their campaigns, north-eastern villagers and their NGO allies researched and publicized multi-purpose native alternatives to eucalypts which are responsive to the diversity of food, construction, medicinal and ecological needs of different localities, launched supplementary plantings of native trees on degraded sites and posted new areas as community forest (Carrere and Lohmann 1996).

Buddhist Monks in Mining Conflicts in Tibet 3

In other conflicts, Buddhist monks also appear in defence of the environment and the poor, as the Buddha himself (who refused caste hierarchy) would perhaps have done. The EJAtlas features about 50 conflicts where Buddhist clerics have a positive role as on the Nyamjang Chhu dam in Arunachal Pradesh, close to the Tawang monastery (Chapter 11).

Nearby, there are several mining conflicts in Tibet (on the Chinese side of the border) where Buddhist monks have been active. On 22 November 2010, there was a protest to disrupt mining works from a government mine near Lingka Monastery, in Tamo, a town located in the copper rich Shethongmon district west of Lhasa. The protesters, the monks from Lingka Monastery and the general public in Tamo, blocked the mining works. The officials of the p. 490mining department and local government attempted to cajole them to continue the extraction work, but the population continued to express their opposition to mining from 22 November till 18 December. The local government of Shethongmon sent riot police to disrupt the demonstrations, which led to verbal confrontation between the police and the protesters. The police, who were outnumbered by the protesters, tried in vain to be gentle to disperse them. Later, a large contingent of public security bureau and armed personnel were sent to crack down on the protesters. Consequently, many Tibetans were severely beaten and 15 Tibetans, including 5 monks of Lingka monastery, were arrested by the Chinese police. Several others were injured, as reported on the website of the Tibetan government in exile. Prison terms of four to five years were given to 49-year-old Sangpo, who was the abbot of Lingka monastery, along with five other monks. Moreover, the head of the village was sentenced to two years in jail for dereliction of duty on the day of the protest.

Other Protests against Mining in Palyul, Tibet 4

While the previous mining conflict took place to the west of Lhasa, the following one was located far to the east, in Sichuan. It took place in the same year, 2010, although complaints against mining still continue in 2021. The location is Baiyü County, Garzê Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in China's Sichuan province. Palyul is the Tibetan name. This area is a Buddhist region filled with monasteries and is known for its strong identity and for being at the centre of dissent for years (Figure 22.1).

Palyul county: Monasteries and environmental conflicts in Arunachal Pradesh (India), TAP, Sichuan (China) (A. Grimaldos).
Figure 22.1

Palyul county: Monasteries and environmental conflicts in Arunachal Pradesh (India), TAP, Sichuan (China)

Source:  A. Grimaldos

The mining project proposed by the Shanghai based firm Kartin would devastate arable land and increase pollution. Nearby counties have suffered earthquakes and landslides which locals attributed to mining and excavation for public works. Therefore, the residents asked for more geological inquiries and tests. On 13 August 2010, a group of approximately 100 local Tibetans, led by village head Tashi Sangpo, met outside a local government building to protest against increased gold mining in the area. The village leader had previously written to the local authorities expressing concerns over mining by the Kartin company, the impact on the environment and the influx of many Chinese workers severely degrading the fertility of their farmland and affecting the local grassland habitat. He called for an end to the expansion of mining and for compensation for the local community. According to exiled Tibetans, the protest arose because local authorities sought to increase the number of mining sites. Some of the protestors were detained, but they refused to leave until they received a response, so there were pickets in front of the government office for three days.

In the evening of 17 August 2010, Chinese security forces began to remove the protesters by using gas to leave them unconscious and load them into a truck. Several Tibetans began scuffling with the police, who responded by indiscriminately opening fire, killing three or four Tibetans, including the protest's leader. Around 30 Tibetans were wounded by bullets, and several others were detained. Two policemen were also reportedly injured as well. Additional security was sent to quell unrest, the roads were blocked and residents had their movements restricted.

Tibet is one of China's largest national sources of gold and precious metals and the Chinese authorities started surveying and mining Tibet in the 1950s. According to “Tibet Outside the TAR” there has been an expansion of mining activities in the area by the prefectural authorities in the early 1980s, and official sources described Payul's Changtai Gold Mine as one of the prefecture's “backbone enterprises”. Moreover, there's a policy p. 491encouraging Chinese immigrant miners as much as local Tibetans in order to develop the rural town and village organization. Poor governance over mining has in some cases exacerbated environmental impact as local people's interests are subordinated to those of officials and the state.

Placer Dome and Barrick Gold's Liabilities for the Marcopper Mine's Disasters, Marinduque 5

In a Pastoral letter in 2019, Catholic bishops in the Philippines criticized “the continuing destruction of our common home” and called for “ecological conversion” amid “climate emergency”. The letter recommended concrete ecological actions. These are not empty words because some Catholic bishops have been active in environmental conflicts, risking their lives in a country characterized by extreme violence against environmental defenders and also by armed Maoist and Islamic insurrections in some areas. Here I include one more example of their role in environmental conflicts beyond those mentioned in Chapter 3.

Over many decades Placer Dome (from Canada) caused many disasters on the island of Marinduque. In 1981, Marinduque became a diocese and received its first Bishop, Raphael Lim. The local Catholic Church is reported to have been the most consistent local organization supporting all villagers affected by mining on the island through its Social Action p. 492Centre. Flooded villages, toxic rivers, ill residents, children dying: the fight for justice goes on. The first mapping and drilling operations for the Marcopper mine date back to 1956. Mining operations started in 1969 through the exploration of the Mt. Tapian ore deposit, containing copper concentrate, as well as gold and silver. At that time, the mine was co-owned by Placer Dome Inc. and its minority partner, the Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos.

Between 1975 and 1991, it was estimated that more than 200 million tons of mine tailings were discharged into Calancan Bay, which covers fishing grounds of 8,000 ha. Complaints over leukaemia, kidney problems and other diseases have increased since 1981. In 1996/7 tests showed high levels of heavy metals in the blood of patients. Moreover, local residents had been protesting as the waste dumping into the water bodies heavily affected the food security of fishing villages. In 1988, the Pollution Adjudication Board ordered Marcopper to stop waste dumping into the bay. However, Marcopper convinced the government that dumping was indispensable for the operation, and was allowed to continue if paying a pittance. When the Tapian reserve was depleted in 1990, Marcopper continued mining in the San Antonio copper reserve, 3 km north. The old Tapian pit was then used as a waste discharge disposal.

The first major disaster happened in 1993, when the Marcopper tailings dam in the Maguilaguila creek collapsed and flooded nearby villages and the Mogpog River, which then suffered from recurring floods due to siltation. The colours of the river have ranged from peach to brown to red, toxic green or violet. Several houses were swept away. Livestock, crops and farmland were destroyed, the river was heavily polluted and two children were drowned. The second disaster occurred on 24 March 1996, when a massive tailings spill from the Tapian pit escaped through the badly sealed drainage tunnel and no less than 2 million tons of tailings subsequently flooded the Makulapnit and Boac Rivers; 700 families were most directly affected and the surrounding terrestrial and aquatic environment was heavily contaminated. A UN mission team visiting the area declared the situation an environmental disaster. After the spill, thousands of residents needed to be evacuated and suffered isolation, hunger and diseases. Many children were found to have toxic blood levels of lead and cyanide, of which some died later on.

The year after, Placer Dome divested from Marcopper and left the Philippines. But decades after, the region and Calancan Bay continues to be heavily silted by the mining spills, and fish and agriculture continue to be contaminated with toxic metals. In 2001, there were still more than 800,000 m3 of tailings in the river, while the drainage tunnels were still at risk of further leaking. Supported by the group Upholding Life and Nature (ULAN), Calancan Victims, filed a suit for damages at the regional court. In 2005, the provincial board of Marinduque filed a case in Nevada against the mining giant (that was acquired in 2006 by Barrick Gold Corporation), claiming compensation for damages, as well as environmental clean-up efforts and funds. Between 2011 and 2014, mediation and settlement processes occurred; however, no outcome was achieved.

Local pressure for the Marinduque government to refile the case mounted after the Nevada state Supreme Court threw out the case against the Toronto-based Barrick Gold Corp because of forum non conveniens on 11 June 2015. Canada was a better place for a lawsuit against Barrick Gold. The Catholic Church stepped in, as environmentalist groups lobbied for the Marinduque council to pursue the case in Canada. But the outcome must be catalogued as “failure in environmental justice”.p. 493

Laudato Si, Paragraphs 51 and 52

This is a good place (between mining conflict cases in the Philippines and Indonesia) to quote two paragraphs from Pope Francis’ 2015 Encyclical on the issues of ecologically unequal trade from South to North and the ecological debts (or liabilities) from Northern countries and companies to the Global South (Hornborg and Martinez-Alier 2016). Inspiration comes from the many meetings in Latin America, the Philippines and South Africa between environmentalists and Liberation theologians around the year 2000 and from the Jubilee South campaign. But a deeper origin lies in the painful experiences which priests and bishops have witnessed.

51. Inequity affects not only individuals but entire countries; it compels us to consider the ethics of international relations. A true “ecological debt” exists, particularly between the global north and south, connected to commercial imbalances with effects on the environment, and the disproportionate use of natural resources by certain countries over long periods of time. The export of raw materials to satisfy markets in the industrialized north has caused harm locally […]. There is a pressing need to calculate the use of environmental space throughout the world for depositing gas residues which have been accumulating for two centuries and have created a situation which currently affects all the countries of the world. The warming caused by huge consumption on the part of some rich countries has repercussions on the poorest areas of the world, especially Africa, where a rise in temperature, together with drought, has proved devastating for farming. There is also the damage caused by the export of solid waste and toxic liquids to developing countries, and by the pollution produced by companies which operate in less developed countries in ways they could never do at home […]: “We note that often the businesses which operate this way are multinationals. They do here what they would never do in developed countries […]. Generally, after ceasing their activity and withdrawing, they leave behind great human and environmental liabilities such as unemployment, abandoned towns, the depletion of natural reserves, deforestation, the impoverishment of agriculture and local stock breeding, open pits, riven hills, polluted rivers and a handful of social works which are no longer sustainable”.

52. The foreign debt of poor countries has become a way of controlling them, yet this is not the case where ecological debt is concerned. In different ways, developing countries, where the most important reserves of the biosphere are found, continue to fuel the development of richer countries at the cost of their own present and future. The land of the southern poor is rich and mostly unpolluted, yet access to ownership of goods and resources for meeting vital needs is inhibited by a system of commercial relations and ownership which is structurally perverse. The developed countries ought to help pay this debt by significantly limiting their consumption of non-renewable energy and by assisting poorer countries to support policies and programmes of sustainable development. […] We must continue to be aware that, regarding climate change, there are differentiated responsibilities. As the United States bishops have said, greater attention must be given to “the needs of the poor, the weak and the vulnerable, in a debate often dominated by more powerful interests”. We need to strengthen the conviction that we are one single human family. There are no frontiers or barriers, political or social, behind which we can hide, still less is there room for the globalization of indifference.

In Indonesia: Manganese Mining 6

Indonesia is a country of many religions, with a Muslim majority. Here we describe one conflict in a manganese mining region in the south-eastern part of the country, next to East Timor combining the use of local spirituality and Catholic religion in the defence of local livelihoods and the environment against manganese mining in Manggarai, East Nusa Tenggara. There in the 2000s, Indigenous groups joined forces with Catholic groups, working towards a ban on p. 494mining in Manggarai and to prevent renewals of existing mining permits. Land grabbing of Indigenous territories through violence, coercion, legal harassment and privatization has long been an issue throughout Indonesia since Dutch colonial times. This is evident in the case of PT Manggarai Manganese (PTMM). Economic growth enters into conflict with Indigenous values prioritizing the community and the environment, and also undermines biodiversity conservation values.

Recent Liberation Theology in the Catholic Church brought forth a spirit of human rights and environmentalism, Catholicism and Indigenous religions united in their support against mining. Religious groups such as the Indonesian Franciscan Congregation Commission on Justice, Peace and Integrity (JPIC-OFM), Societas Verbi Divini (SVD), the Ruteng Catholic diocese, the Congregation of the Missionary Sisters Servants of the Holy Spirit and others mobilized together with environmental groups against government impunity towards mining companies such as PTMM. They wrote petitions warning the public and local government, after 2015 drawing upon Pope Francis’ Laudato Si.

In fact, in January 2009 the Department of Forestry stated that the company was committing a criminal act. Nevertheless, in March a district administrative court ruled in favour of the company. Regent Timur Yoseph Tote issued the Decree No.HK/109/2019 on 7 December 2009, granting PTMM, among other companies, with manganese mining and exploration permits in various protected forest lands and the island Komodo National Park (that holds coral reefs, whales, manta rays and Komodo dragons).

The land marked for exploration features 20 springs supporting irrigated rice fields and impinges upon Indigenous land belonging to the Manggarai and other groups. This land is a vital water source and a place where Indigenous groups practise traditional rituals. Miners have blasted away and destroyed much of this forest and its springs. Ever since, downstream Manggarai villages have suffered water shortages and crop failures. The manganese mines cause widespread suffering among Indigenous peoples living nearby, because of miners dumping rocks and tailings onto agricultural land, and ocean pollution making fish no longer safe to eat. Manganese produces an illness known as “welders’ illness”.

PTMM employs the evicted Indigenous peoples as labourers. The women and men who work at the mine must squat in the sun for nine hours a day, separating the black manganese from white rock. Working six days a week with no health benefits or holidays, they are said to take home $1.20/day after transportation costs.

Although PTMM's permits expired on 7 December 2013, the local government threatened to evict over 700 Indigenous Tana Ai and Golo Lebo families accused of living on PTMM's property. Some community protesters report having their homes pelted with stones, being followed and receiving death threats. Various Catholic groups stepped in to help local communities affected by the mining fostering a strong and distinctly religious movement. The movement is strictly non-violent, and peaceful protest strategies include celebrating Mass at mining sites. NGO Cultural Survival also runs an ongoing letter-writing campaign in support of the movement. Catholic priest Father Simon Suban Tukan was beaten and badly injured by police on 13 September 2014, when he and dozens of other locals blocked PTMM from entering Tumbak village. VIVAT International-Indonesia and an umbrella group of NGOs known as National Solidarity for People in NTT urged the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) to conduct an investigation.

In response, throughout mid-October 2014, hundreds of priests, Catholic students and activists staged the largest-ever demonstration against mining in three different locations: p. 495Labuan Bajo, capital of West Manggarai; Ruteng, capital of Manggarai; and Borong, capital of East Manggarai. For the first time, these protests were directed at the local government. In January 2015, the mobilizers met with legislative members in Ruteng to demand a ban on mining. According to Father Simon, “mining activities have destroyed the earth of Manggarai and the whole of community life, from ecology to kinship. Mining companies have destroyed forest and water resources and have divided family ties by money. The mine's site is often overlapping with community lands leading to the practice of evictions”. As of 2018, Australian-owned PT Gulf Mangan Grup signed an agreement with the East Nusa Tenggara government to construct a smelter near Bolok village. Moreover, the government issued more than 100 new mining permits to mine even more of the region's gold and manganese, as well as copper and marble.

IN THE AMERICAS AND IN AUSTRALIA

Brazil, Amazonia: São Manoel Hydroelectric Dam 7

As we saw in Chapter 19, in Brazil the Catholic Church has been active in many socio-ecological conflicts, particularly in the Amazon region through the CPT, the Comissão Pastoral da Terra. A Map of Land Conflicts was launched some years ago by the CPT, inspired by the FIOCRUZ map. The Articulation of the CPT gathers the nine regional offices in the Amazon. The support for the environment by Indigenous peoples appealing to their own religious beliefs is also widespread. Sometimes they get support from the Pastoral da Terra as in the resistance against a dam in Mato Grosso, in the Tapajós basin for hydroelectricity and commodity exports through new waterways. This is the São Manoel dam, implemented at all costs, destroying Indigenous sacred sites and a pristine river ecosystem.

In July 2017, 200 Indigenous people occupied São Manoel Dam, over whose construction they had not been consulted – violating ILO Convention 169 and the Brazilian Constitution of 1988. For four days, the protesters – the majority of them women of the Munduruku group – held rituals claiming their rights to preserve their culture and environment. São Manoel Dam is operated by the consortium Empresa de Energia São Manoel (EESM), which is formed by the Portuguese company EDP, the state-controlled company Furnas (part of the Eletrobrás group) and the global hydropower giant China's Three Gorges. With a capacity of 746 MW, the plant is one of six recent hydroelectric projects on the Teles Pires River and its tributary Apiacás. These six dams also come with plans to develop a waterway for soy export from Mato Grosso to the Atlantic Ocean (‘Hidrovía Teles Pires-Tapajós’). In total, 43 large dams were recently announced for the entire Tapajós basin. Like São Manoel Dam, they were pushed also by increasing energy demand in the region from expanding gold and bauxite mining.

São Manoel Dam faced criticism for its expected adverse impacts on fish and turtles in the river, and its location just 700 m from the Kayabi Indigenous Territory. This provoked a number of confrontations with the Kayabi, Munduruku and Apiaká Indigenous groups who saw their culture, environment, cosmology and food supply under threat. The dam was placed on an Indigenous sacred site called Dekoka’a (Morro do Macaco, or ‘Monkey Hill’), shortly after construction works at the Teles Pires Dam further upstream had already destroyed the sacred site Karobixexé, which also involved the removal of about 270,000 archaeological artefacts from the two dam locations.p. 496

A Kayabi leader described the impacts on the local community as follows: “All this is a terrible sadness for our people. This region is sacred to us. Now, along with the land being flooded, they’ve dirtied our water. The fish have disappeared, too. People are getting sick with diarrhoea. Everyone is worried about their health”. Moreover, in 2016, families near São Manoel Dam became affected by an oil spill that was supposedly caused by EESM.

The 2010-founded Fórum Teles Pires emerged as an important public voice and network uniting over 30 social organizations, academics and Indigenous and riverine communities affected by infrastructure projects. It regularly revealed the flaws of public agencies and companies in (not) complying with their legal requirements to compensate for damages and safeguard Indigenous rights. Moreover, Fórum Teles Pires criticized EESM for a lack of transparency, for strategically using disinformation in public to silence the voices of affected communities and for exerting pressure on them to renegotiate already agreed compensations.

Court rulings were overturned by judges willing to apply a “safety suspension”, an instrument created during the military dictatorship to reverse judicial decisions that cause damage to the public economy. After the dam's occupation in 2017, EESM judicially attempted to ban Indigenous people from demonstrating and entering the property, which also included the sacred site Dekoka’a. Framing the Munduruku as a “threat” to public order, the group was kept away from the site with the support of the National Force and even with the use of tear gas bombs.

In late 2017, after the Munduruku had been unsuccessfully calling for a meeting with officials, São Manoel Dam received its operating licence from the president of Brazil's environmental agency IBAMA. According to environmental researcher Philip Fearnside, this decision resulted from increasing political pressure on IBAMA leading to an easing of the procedure. In 2018, a number of civil society organizations publicly alerted about the risk of conflict in the Teles Pires region and condemned the ongoing intimidation of opponents of São Manoel Dam: “Instead of agreeing to dialogue, the federal government dispatched the National Force to the building site to repress the Indigenous mobilization carried out mainly by women and children”.

With the São Manoel and Teles Pires dams becoming a new reality, in recent years the mobilizing Indigenous groups – most notably, the Munduruku ‒ demanded compensation that would improve their social rights, for example, the creation of a regional Indigenous university, access to healthcare, the preservation of sacred Indigenous sites and the Munduruku culture, and the official demarcation of the Sawré Muyubu land as Indigenous territory. They continued to demand the devolution of sacred funeral urns and other artefacts removed during construction works. The Munduruku have been successful in the São Luiz do Tapajós hydroelectric dam (Chapter 19), but not in this case.

North-East Brazil: The Quilombo of Acupe, Santo Amaro, Bahia and the Ritual of Nego Fugido 8

In the quilombolas of Brazil as in Colombia's palenques, and in the wider Caribbean area, one can find the use of Yoruba religion, imported with slavery and displayed in some instances in the defence of the environment. In Brazil it is present in the terreiros of cities. Yoruba is a language used in candomblés, in religious chants, in greetings to the orixás and in the names people receive after initiation. The goddesses and gods, such as Iemanjá, are elements of nature. In the times of colonial slavery, the runaway slaves, the Maroons, took refuge in p. 497natural environments to escape death at the hands of white colonialists. Much remains of these traditions in today's ecological struggles (e.g. Cockpit country in Jamaica). The Maroons combined different spiritualities (most often of African origin) with their anti-colonial and anti-racist politics (Ferdinand 2022).

As Felipe Milanez and Monilson dos Santos Pinto explain (2017), “Nego Fugido” in Acupe (meaning “escaped Nigger”) is a complex ritual. It represents the struggle for freedom with origins in the slave system and currently enhanced by the advance of extractivism in the globalized economy. It is a yearly performance attended by a large public, representing the insurgency of the environmental justice movement against human and ecological exploitation. The ritual of the Nego Fugido is not simply a traditional popular festival. The Maroons of America carry in their history proclamations of freedom and defence of the natural environment against the cruelty of slavery in sugarcane and cotton monocultures. The ritual of the Nego Fugido revives the battles of Black people against slavery, carried out by the quilombola community of Acupe in the Bahian Recôncavo. It reconstructs the history of abolition in a way contrary to the official narrative: instead of receiving freedom from Princess Isabel's hands, Nego Fugido is the Black protagonist of his freedom with a rebellion that ends with the defeat of the colonial army and the imprisonment and sale of the king of Portugal.

It was the arrival of sugarcane in Recife and the Recôncavo that inaugurated the expansion of the “commodity frontier” in the South American continent, together with silver in Potosi (with Indigenous mitayos) and gold in Minas Gerais. Regarding the origin of Acupe, the griôs say that when slavery was officially abolished in Brazil in 1888 the enslaved Black people of the Acupe sugar mill went to live in Vai-quem-quer (“whoever wants to go”), a quilombo near the mangrove swamp. Before this, the slaves could choose between staying at the mill or riskily running away and going to live at the edge of the mangrove swamp. According to the griôs, the owner of the mill Francisco Gonçalves became famous for the violence with which he treated his slaves. After abolition, they all abandoned him and went to live in Vai-quem-quer, which housed rebellious slaves responsible for revolts and attacks on other plantations and mills. The Africans mercilessly transported to America came with their religion ‒ in Brazil and the Caribbean they often kept their religion, while in the United States their religions were lost in favour of varieties of Christianity.

The “negos fugidos” of many coasts of America took refuge in their quilombos and palenques in the mangroves, as happened in Esmeraldas, Ecuador and in the Colombian Chocó. Vai-quem-quer is a symbol of resistance to the slave economic system and a bastion against unequal capitalist exchanges, of reaffirmation of the Black people. This is what the ritual of Nego Fugido represents. Vai-quem-quer today is the name of a street in Acupe through which the slaves of the Nego Fugido ritual run on the days of their performance of street theatre in the month of July. The population, of approximately 8,000 people, continues its resistance because with the discovery of oil in the Baía de Todos os Santos in 1941, a profound reorganization of the Bahian economy and new processes of subjugation of the Black population of the Recôncavo began. The agro-extractivist system of sugarcane for export was replaced by extractivism of oil and minerals. The subaltern population of Acupe resisted and resists on the front lines of this world-system of commodity extraction and toxic waste disposal.

In 1958, socio-ecological oppression intensified with the installation of the French mining company Peñarroya Oxide, through its subsidiary Companhia Brasileira de Chumbo (Cobrac), at the city of Santo Amaro. “Chumbo” means lead. In order to access the sea to export the p. 498lead ingots produced from the ore mined in the city of Boquira, the mining company located itself on the banks of the Subaé River, which cuts through Santo Amaro and descends towards Acupe to flow into the bay. Cobrac's activities continued until 1993, when it finally closed down after a long struggle by the affected communities. The factory polluted the region with lead particles emitted by the chimney, with slag deposited in the open air, with the use of slag in the paving of streets and schools in the municipality and the release of effluents into the Subaé River. A 2003 report by the Association of Victims of Lead, Cadmium, Mercury and Other Chemical Elements Contamination (AVICCA) recorded 89 widows due to contamination and 560 severely damaged children.

The history of struggle and social and political mobilization in Acupe is centuries old. From the traumatic experience of slavery, the performance of Nego Fugido emerges as a real or mythical past evoked by the inhabitants of Acupe, victims of socio-environmental racism.

The Wixárika in Mexico: Wirikuta and Tatéi Haramara 9

Consider now some Mesoamerican and Caribbean conflicts. The current conflicts confronting the Wixárika (huichol) in Mexico against land grabbing and mining definitively have religious content. In the Wirikuta case, there has been strong, peaceful and successful resistance to silver and gold mining in sacred land belonging to the Wixárika people. In 2011, the federal Government granted Revolution Resources Corp mining concessions to launch a new “Universe Project” in an area that overlaps by more than 42 per cent with the Wirikuta Natural Reserve, nearly 60,000 ha.

This was added to the La Luz project, which was approved in 2010 in benefit of First Majestic Silver Corp. This project involved 22 concessions and affected 6,327 ha, 70 per cent of which also fell within the Reserve. The Reserve hosts the Wirikuta/Wixárica community and a number of sacred sites and resources used by this community. The projects, which contemplate open extraction techniques, will threaten the community's traditional activities as well as water quantity and quality in the area. Additionally, the area will also be impacted by industrial agriculture firms that have started massive tomato cultivation. There has been resistance by the local Indigenous community and much support at national level.

One of the organizations involved in the resistance was the Unión Wixárica de Centros Ceremoniales from the states of Jalisco, Durango and Nayarit. There was support from international organizations such as Amnesty and Business and Human Rights, but not from the Catholic Church and its “Liberation Theology” branches, contrary to what happens in many other Latin American cases.

While the Wirikuta conflict is occurring in San Luis Potosí, the next Wixárika conflict takes place in Mezquitic, on the border of Jalisco and Nayarit. In October 2019, the Jalisco State Human Rights Commission (CEDHJ) prepared a diagnosis that indicated that the Wixárika Indigenous community currently has 14 active conflicts, in general because of mining industries violating their human and Indigenous territorial rights. In this case, there are 12 villages settled in an area of 25,000 ha within the municipality of Mezquitic, Jalisco, an area that is in dispute because Jalisco accuses the government of the state of Nayarit of its illegal annexation. This conflict originated since the creation of Nayarit as a federative entity but became relevant in 2008 when the conflict arose between the community members of the different Wixáritari communities in the state of Jalisco, and cattle ranchers and farmers from p. 499Nayarit. It became more visible when in 2018 the Congress of the state of Nayarit decreed the annexation of the communities of San Andrés Cohamiata, Santa Catarina Cuexcomatitlán and San Sebastián Teponahuaxtlán, from the state of Jalisco.

The annexation amounts to more than 20,000 ha. Tatei Haramara, also known as Isla del Rey (King's Island), is located in this extension, a sacred place of 100 ha that is part of the World Network of Sacred Natural Sites issued by UNESCO and a Natural Protected Area declared by the government of Mexico, where rituals and dances of ancestral relevance for the Wixárika culture are performed. This is not to the taste of farmers and ranchers from the state of Nayarit, who use this land for grazing and cultivation (Figure 22.2).

Tatei Haramara (Tracy L. Barnett, the Esperanza Project).
Figure 22.2

Tatei Haramara

Source:  Tracy L. Barnett, the Esperanza Project

The Barro Blanco Dam in Panama: Ancient Petroglyphs that Hold Sacred Writings 10

The government of Panama ordered a hold on this hydropower project for violating the EIA on 10 February 2015, after many years of opposition by the Movimiento 10 de Abril and the Ngöbe-Buglé communities. Despite protracted resistance expressed in a language of Indigenous religious culture, the Barro Blanco dam of about 29 MW was finally built. The project is located in the districts of Veladero and Bella Vista, Province of Chiriqui, and uses the waters of Tabasará to generate electrical energy.

In 1981, the very first dam project on the river, Tabasara I, was meant to supply energy to the Cerro Colorado copper mine (Chapter 18). This project was ultimately cancelled after being rejected by the local community. In 2007, the dam concession was given to Honduran-owned Generadora del Istmo, SA (GENISA) and renamed the Barro Blanco dam project. In 2008, GENISA consulted a non-Indigenous town near the affected area. Later, when the EIA was approved, GENISA began to apply for carbon credits under the Clean Development Mechanism established under the Kyoto Protocol. The local inhabitants became indirect victims of climate change to which they had historically not contributed at all.

The Ngöbe-Buglé, the largest Indigenous people group of Panama, took to the streets in February 2012 to demand that all concessions granted without their approval be cancelled. The Barro Blanco Power Plant project violates the laws that define the Ngöbe-Buglé's regional p. 500territories, water rights and the self-determination of Indigenous people. These protests, which blocked the Pan-American Highway for over a week, stemmed from the refusal of legislators to prohibit all mining and hydroelectric concessions within the region of the Ngöbe-Buglé. Violent repression by President Martinelli against the Ngöbe protests left three of them dead (including Jerónimo Rodríguez Tugrí) and more than a hundred wounded. Communications were cut and human rights were severely violated.

On 23 March 2012, Onesimo Rodriguez, a Ngöbe Indigenous Panamanian opposing the Barro Blanco hydroelectric dam project, was killed. The project continued despite a long-awaited United Nations report on the illegality of the dam. The dam would raise the level of the Tabasara River, flooding Ngöbe lands and villages. “Diplomatic” peace negotiations between the government and the Ngöbe-Buglé occurred. A compromise agreement between the two parties resulted in the passing of Special Law 11, in force since April 2012, which cancels mining concessions and prohibits future mining. It also states that any future hydroelectric projects the government plans in the territory must be subject to approval by Indigenous authorities and a referendum of the area's residents.

However, the Barro Blanco dam has gone ahead, overcoming ancestral rights, religious values and rituals, and practical livelihood needs. The Indigenous population were displaced. Destroying forests and villages, the reservoir also submerged boulders covered with petroglyphs important to the Ngäbe culture. Some Ngäbe-Buglé practise Mama Tata, a syncretic Indigenous-Christian religion. Their ancestors’ wisdom is encoded in the boulders.

San Miguel de Copán, Honduras 11

Copan is one of the most famous sites of Maya culture. In San Miguel, many centuries after the European conquest and once the Christian religion had been imposed and syncretized with the ancient beliefs, there was one more episode of defence of the environment headed by a bishop of the Catholic Church and with the acquiescence of the local population.

In 1999, in the old agricultural community of San Andrés de Minas in the Copan department, Greenstone Resources Limited of Canada obtained a concession. In a short time, residents were relocated and the town centre flattened. The relocation of San Andrés was devastating for the community. The people lost their traditional family farm plots. Only a handful got jobs in the mine. The community also lost its central plaza and meeting place. Long-standing relationships and traditional village governance structures broke down. The old buildings of the village of San Andrés were demolished. Neighbouring villages complained and alerted the authorities about cyanide spills in the Higuito River. The bishop, Luis Afonso Santos, known as a fighter for human rights, asked the government to intervene against the mining company.

By 2000, Minosa Mining bought Greenstone. Minosa established a cyanide heap leach pad only a short distance from the village of San Miguel. Residents of San Miguel soon began to experience skin disorders that come with contaminated water, and their farm animals began to die. There were several major spills of tailings into a nearby river, affecting communities downstream. In 2005, the mine changed hands once again to British Columbia-based Yamana Gold, which sought to expand the mine. By spring of 2006, people from four different communities were displaced, and the original group from San Andrés faced relocation a second time. The bishop lost the battle against foreign gold mining companies.p. 501

The Desecrating Rio Tinto and BHP Corporations, in Arizona USA and in Western Australia 12

Two contemporary conflicts started by the terrible Rio Tinto and BHP mining companies evidence the meaning of the word “desecration”: “to treat a sacred place or thing with violent disrespect, to deny its sacred value”. A further meaning could be: “to give a money value to a sacred place or object”.

There are several copper mining conflicts in the state of Arizona. In Chapter 25 we describe how local tribes halted the Canadian Hudbay Minerals’ company plans for copper mining in Santa Rita Mountains. In this parallel case, environmentalists and Apache groups strongly opposed Resolution Copper, owned by British-Australian mining companies Rio Tinto and BHP. The 2014 copper mine project on Oak Flat (Chi’Chil Bildagoteel) would occupy a sacred site for Apache people where they pray, collect water and medicinal plants for ceremonies, gather acorns and other foods, and honour those buried here. This is located 60 miles east of Phoenix, near a mining town called Superior. The tailings facility would be located on National Forest Services property. This mine would be “likely over time to result in measurable reductions in flows in Devil's Canyon and Queen Creek and the long-term loss of some seeps and springs in the Superior area”, said the draft EIA statement. Storing the toxic waste would pose a risk to groundwater and streams. Local communities besides tribes would be affected too. The mining would also disturb the habitats of endangered species like the Western yellow-billed cuckoo and the Southwestern willow flycatcher.

Men, women and children of the San Carlos Apache tribe camped out at Oak Flat for more than three months, with its four crosses representing the entire surrounding sacred area. The mine is also involved in a controversial land trade between the US government and Resolution Copper Co. Under that exchange, the Forest Service would trade Oak Flat Federal Parcel for eight parcels elsewhere in Arizona owned by the mining company. The Apache lost many battles but never lost relationship to this specific place, Oak Flat. By January 2015 over 104,000 people had signed a petition to President Obama, “We the People Stop Apache Land Grab”. By 2022 it seems however that the project will go ahead. The mining technique would involve panel caving, a form of block caving which is highly destructive. This method involves vertical shafts and tunnel construction through drilling and blasting, causing copper ore to collapse into giant funnels known as drawbells. The ore would then be moved to an underground crushing facility. The crushed ore would be hauled halfway to the surface and put into a conveyor system to be shipped to a processing plant.

The resistance against Resolution Copper, known as The Apache Stronghold, has been a multi-pronged effort with allies across political, grassroots, artistic, non-profit and media spheres. The occupation of Oak Flat in 2014 cascaded into a movement around the country, including solidarity marches, presence of Bioneers (a network founded in Santa Fe, New Mexico), public speak-outs against the land exchange, media production and lobbying. On 17 March 2018, a member of The Apache Stronghold arrived at Oak Flat to find the four sacred crosses intentionally destroyed, one example of the intimidation strategies.

The Pilbara is a large and thinly populated region in the north of Western Australia. It is known for its Aboriginal Banjima people, its ancient landscapes, the red earth and its vast mineral deposits.

Exactly here, the mining giant BHP Billiton wanted to expand its South Flank iron ore mining project. It so happens that Rio Tinto is also mining in the area (Brockman mine) and p. 502in May 2020 it blasted a sacred site that showed 48,000 years of continuous human occupation and provided a 4,000-year-old genetic link to present-day traditional owners. The cave in Juukan Gorge in the Hamersley Ranges, about 60 km from Mt Tom Price, was one of the oldest in the Western Pilbara region and the only inland site in Australia to show signs of continuous human occupation through the last Ice Age. Protests against such barbarity made companies apologize (too late) and reconsider decisions (Figure 22.3).

Pilbara, Australia, 2020 (Richard Wainwright/EPA).
Figure 22.3

Pilbara, Australia, 2020

Source:  Richard Wainwright/EPA

Mining company Rio Tinto received ministerial consent to destroy or damage the site in 2013 under Western Australia's Aboriginal heritage laws, which were drafted in 1972 to favour mining proponents. On 26 May 2020, Rio Tinto destroyed the Juukan Gorge cave with detonation explosives. The traditional owners ‒ Aboriginal people ‒ strongly opposed the mine on their sacred landscapes, especially because the mining project takes place near 86 heritage sites. Three hundred peaceful protesters gathered outside Rio Tinto's Perth headquarters to protest against the destruction of the significant Indigenous sites. The protesters argued that Rio Tinto had exploited the weakness of Western Australia's Aboriginal heritage legislation and then blamed the facts on misunderstandings between the company and the custodians of the site ‒ the Banjima people.

The company stated that there was no record of the Puutu Kunti Kurrama and Pinikura Aboriginal Corporation (PKKPAC) asking to stop mining in the area until mid-May 2020, when the blasting was already loaded. But the PKKPAC director stated that the company was very aware of the damages the project would lead to.p. 503

After this, in June 2020 BHP came up with the plan of blasting more Aboriginal sacred sites to expand its South Flank mine in the same Pilbara region. This was stopped on 10 June 2020; the Australian government established a moratorium on any further work already granted under Section 18 of the Aboriginal Heritage Act. That legislation, however, does not give traditional owners the right to appeal. In fact, Western Australia approved BHP's application to disturb 40 culturally significant Aboriginal sites as part of a mine expansion only days after the Rio Tinto company destroyed sacred caves in the area.

By 12 June 2020, Rio Tinto faced protests from the public and even from investors. Jean-Sébastien Jacques, Rio Tinto CEO, apologized for the company's destruction of the caves: “We are very sorry for the distress we have caused the PKKP in relation to Juukan Gorge and our first priority remains rebuilding trust with the PKKP”, Jacques said in a statement, referring to the Puutu Kunti Kurrama and Pinikura (PKKP) people. Following this event, Jacques resigned from his position. Rio Tinto has had a lot of socio-environmental liabilities in its history, not least in Bougainville not far from Australia (possibly a new independent country). It appears frequently in this book and deserves a special place in research on Corporate Social Irresponsibility.

IN THE STREETS OF ISTANBUL, TURKEY 13

Religion is embedded into culture in all countries and societies. Organized religion has justified many atrocities, answered by atrocities from other organized religions. Religion has also caused many helpless victims, as at the beginning of Christian colonization of the Americas with campaigns plainly termed extirpación de idolatrías meant to locate and destroy the sacred huacas ‒ more or less like Rio Tinto and BHP Billiton in Western Australia. But there are often cases where local clerics support villagers against mining, hydropower and tree plantations. Such local clerics are sometimes Islamic mullahs. But in countries with Islamism as state religion we have not found much organized Islamic support for environmentalism.

Nevertheless, it is remarkable that at the Gezi Park movement in 2013 in Istanbul, which was led by secular, environmentalist and feminist anti-Erdogan groups, one section of the crowd identified with Islamism and publicly celebrated Iftar with a collective dinner (Figure 22.4). Iftar is the evening meal with which Muslims end their daily fast at sunset in the month of Ramadan. The so-called “Anticapitalist Muslims” arranged this famous earth table dinner held on Istiklal Avenue when Ramadan coincided with the Gezi Park movement which (to put it briefly) started in defence of the trees of a small urban park (Özkaynak et al. 2015; Mert 2019).

Fasters celebrate Iftar at an "earth table" on Istiklal Caddesi avenue in Istanbul, July 9, 2013 (Muhsin Akgün).
Figure 22.4

Fasters celebrate Iftar at an “earth table” on Istiklal Caddesi Avenue in Istanbul, 9 July 2013

Source:  Muhsin Akgün

CONCLUSION: RELIGIOUS PARTICIPANTS SOMETIMES DEFEND NATURE AND THE POOR

The conflicts under review in this chapter are caused by the search for water and hydropower, biomass in the form of eucalyptus and sugarcane, minerals such as copper, manganese, iron ore, lead, silver and gold at the extraction frontiers. In Gezi Park the struggle was on the preservation of a green urban environment. Such eminently material causes interact with social class and caste affiliation, gender and Indigenous identities, nationalist movements p. 504and feelings of sacredness. The complaints of the local people sometimes adopt a religious language, and their cultural traditions overlap with religion and spiritual values which do not necessarily mean organized religions. “Sacred groves” in India are tribal institutions of ancient forest peoples. There are other instances of environment conflicts where organized religions and their clerics become active, with geographical concentration around Christian and Buddhist activists. As we have seen in Chapter 7 on the Arctic and shall see again in Chapter 25, the most ecologically pristine areas are often commodity extraction frontiers where Indigenous people live. They often count also among the most sacred places in the religions of the oppressed.

This chapter has selected cases where there is a religious defence of the environmentalism of the poor and the Indigenous related to water sources, forests and mountains. Sacredness can be deployed against such commodification of nature, against business-driven sand and gravel mining, metal mining, fossil fuel extraction or deforestation, but it can also be used in defence of traditional social hierarchies for the exclusive use of nature. As in the Hindu tradition against Dalits that Ambedkar denounced, or when the words “nature sanctuary” are used for “militarized” biodiversity conservation (Chapter 11) at the cost of expelling local Indigenous peoples.

Sometimes I am a dreamer, and I can “imagine there's no countries […] nothing to kill or die for, and no religion too. Imagine all the people living life in peace”. However, as a materialist political ecologist, I hope for peace but I know there are religions and nationalisms. p. 505Sometimes, environmentalism can be supported by religion, but not always. Let's stick to the facts because at the level of ideology there is nothing to stop Hindutva politicians in India preaching that their scriptures show the greatest respect for Nature that characterizes their Gods (Sharma 2012), or Christians to quote from Matthew's gospel that environmental products and services are provided by their God: “the birds of the air: they neither sow nor reap… yet your heavenly Father feeds them”. Many Indigenous and traditional communities and other subaltern peoples around the world have spiritual and religious feelings of identity with nature. They all have in common the religious languages displayed by some of the protagonists, sometimes as members of organized major religions and sometimes not. Some major religions are strongly anthropocentric and preach the exhortation of Genesis, translated into English as Be fruitful and multiply and replenish the earth and subdue it, and have dominion over every living thing, which Lynn White (1967) saw as an anti-ecological principle absent in Buddhism and other religions. Maria Lacerda de Moura (1887‒1944), a Brazilian anarchist, feminist and atheist, published a book in 1932 with the title, “Love one another (more), and do not multiply (so much)” (Chapter 29).

Rather than on metaphysics, in this book we focus on social metabolism and socio-ecological conflicts as two sides of the same coin. In the conflicts, there are several kinds of participants on the side of the environment. The poor and the Indigenous, the local activists, the peasants and the citizens predominate, but there are also trade unionists, scientists and professionals, and sometimes religious participants. Only sometimes. They might be Christians, Buddhists, Hindus, Islamists or believers in Yoruba deities or in other ancestral, tribal religions. We must understand the motivations of such participants. As in Brazil with Leonardo Boff, in the Philippines the influence of Liberation Theology among Christians has been important (Holden and Jacobson 2007; Holden 2013). Some of the WED killed recorded in the EJAtlas were Christian nuns. At other times, the environmental actors belonged to other major religions, or their culture expressed feelings of identity with nature or parts of nature. This ontology is called «animism», when people attribute sentiments and agency to particular animals, plants, spirits, and forces of nature like the rivers or the winds. This is indeed common.

Notes

1

Singh A.A., Mahongnao, M., Demaria F. and Krishna, V.V. (2014). Illegal sand mining conflicts in India, EJOLT Factsheet No. 010, 4 p.

2

Green Isan & Khor Jor Kor projects (and other state plantations), Thailand (J.F. Gerber), EJAtlas.

3

Copper mining in Tamo, monks and citizens protest, Tibet, China (Myriam Bartolucci), EJAtlas.

4

Gold mining site in Palyul county, TAP, Sichuan, China (Myriam Bartolucci), EJAtlas.

5

Marcopper Placer Dome mining disaster, Marinduque Island, Philippines (Arnim Scheidel), EJAtlas.

Katarungan. (2015). Church urges Marinduque Government to pursue class suit in Canada, 11 September.

6

Manganese mining in Manggarai, East Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia (Dalena Tran), EJAtlas.

7

São Manoel Hydroelectric Dam, Mato Grosso ‒ Pará, Brazil (Max Stoisser), EJAtlas.

8

Lead contamination in Santo Amargo, Bahia, Brazil (Diogo Rocha), EJAtlas.

9

Wirikuta silver and gold mining, Mexico (Sergio Villamayor), EJAtlas.

Despojo de tierras a indígenas Wixárikas entre Mezquitic, Jalisco y el Nayar, Nayarit, México (Federico Guzmán), EJAtlas.p. 506

10

Barro Blanco dam, Panama (Daniela Del Bene, Joan Martínez-Alier), EJAtlas.

11

Mina de oro San Andres en Copan, Honduras (Patricio Chávez), EJAtlas.

12

Proposed copper mine on land sacred to the indigenous Apache of Arizona, USA (Ksenija Hanaček), EJAtlas.

Septoff, A. (2015). Oak Flat/Apache Leap: The world's two biggest mining companies want to mine sacred lands, a public campground, and a popular rock-climbing destination, EarthWorks, 28 January.

Rio Tinto / BHP's iron mining destroys sacred Aboriginal sites, Western Australia (Ksenija Hanaček), EJAtlas.

13

Taksim Square and Gezi Park construction works, Turkey (MB, KG, BT), EJAtlas.

  • Aerthayil, M. 2000. Fishworkers Movement in Kerala (1977–1994). New Delhi: Indian Social Institute.

  • Agarwal, A., and Narain, S. 1991. Global Warming in an Unequal World: A Case of Environmental Colonialism. New Delhi: Centre for Science and Environment.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Agarwal, B. 1992. The gender and environment debate: Lessons from India. Feminist Studies 18 (1): 119158.

  • Agarwal, B. 2001. Participatory exclusions, community forests and gender: An analysis for South Asia and a conceptual framework. World Development 29 (10): 16231648.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Agoramoorthy, G., and Hsu, M.J. 2007. Is Taiwan's political and economic development an environmental nightmare? Environmental Politics 16 (3): 502512.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Agyeman, J., Bullard, R., and Evans, B., eds. 2003. Just Sustainabilities: Development in an Unequal World. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

  • Akbulut, B., Demaria, F., Gerber, J.F., and Martinez-Alier, J. 2019. Who promotes sustainability? Five theses on the relationships between the degrowth and the environmental justice movements. Ecological Economics 165: 29.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Alcadipani, R., and Medeiros, C.R. de O. 2020. When corporations cause harm: A critical view of corporate social irresponsibility and corporate crimes. Journal of Business Ethics 167 (2): 285297.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Alexander, P.B. 2015. Corporate Social Irresponsibility. New York, NY: Routledge.

  • Allan, B., Lewis, J.I., and Oatley, T. 2021. Green industrial policy and the global transformation of climate politics. Global Environmental Politics 21 (4): 119.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Allen, M. 1994. Undermining the Japanese Miracle. Work and Conflict in a Coalmining Community. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

  • Alonso-Fernández, P., and Regueiro-Ferreira, R.M. 2022. Extractivism, ecologically unequal exchange and environmental impact in South America: A study using Material Flow Analysis (1990–2017). Ecological Economics 194: 107351.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Álvarez, L., and Coolsaet, B. 2018. Decolonizing environmental justice studies: A Latin American perspective. Capitalism Nature Socialism 31 (2): 5069.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Anandhi, S. 1998. Reproductive bodies and regulated sexuality: Birth control debates in early twentieth century Tamil Nadu. In Mary E. John and Janaki. Nair, eds., A Question of Silence? The Sexual Economies of Modern India. Delhi: Kali for Women.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Anderson, A.B., May, P.H., and Balick, M.J. 1991. The Subsidy from Nature: Palm Forests, Peasantry, and Development on an Amazon Frontier. New York: Columbia University Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Anguelovski, I. 2014. Neighborhood as Refuge: Environmental Justice, Community Reconstruction, and Place-remaking in the City. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Anguelovski, I., and Martinez-Alier, J. 2014. The ‘environmentalism of the poor’ revisited: Territory and place in disconnected global struggles. Ecological Economics 102: 167176.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Antich, José.. 1931. La población de la Tierra. Estudios. Revista Ecléctica. 89. Valencia.

  • Antonetti, P., and Maklan, S. 2016. An extended model of moral outrage at corporate social irresponsibility. Journal of Business Ethics 135 (3): 429444.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Apostolopoulou, E., and Cortes-Vazquez, J.A. 2019. The Right to Nature. Social Movements, Environmental Justice and Neoliberal Natures. London: Routledge.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Armiero, M., and D’Alisa, G. 2012. Rights of resistance: The garbage struggles for environmental justice in Campania, Italy. Capitalism, Nature, Socialism 23 (4): 5268.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Armiero, M., and Sedrez, L. 2014. A History of Environmentalism: Local Struggles, Global Histories. London: Bloomsbury.

  • Armstrong, J.S. 1977. Social irresponsibility in management. Journal of Business Research 5 (3): 185213.

  • Arrhenius, S. 1890. On the influence of carbonic acid in the air upon the temperature of the ground. Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science: 237276.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Arrifano, G.P., Martín-Doimeadios, R.C.R., Jiménez-Moreno, M., Ramírez-Mateos, V., da Silva, N.F., Souza-Monteiro, J.R., Augusto-Oliveira, M., Paraense, R.S., Macchi, B.M., do Nascimento, J.L.M., and Crespo-Lopez, M.E. 2018. Large-scale projects in the Amazon and human exposure to mercury: The case-study of the Tucuruí Dam. Ecotoxicology and Environmental Safety 147: 299305.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Arrighi, G., Hopkins, T.K., and Wallerstein, I. 1989. Antisystemic Movements. London and New York: Verso Books.

  • Arsel, M. 2022. Climate change and class conflict in the Anthropocene: Sink or swim together? The Journal of Peasant Studies. https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2022.2113390.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Auyero, J., and Swistun, D.A. 2009. Flammable: Environmental Suffering in An Argentine Shantytown. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

  • Avery, D. 1974. Not on Queen Victoria's Birthday: The Story of the Rio Tinto Mines. Collins.

  • Avila, S. 2018. Environmental justice and the expanding geography of wind power conflicts. Sustainability Science 13 (3): 599616. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11625-018-0547-4.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Aydin, Cem I., Ozkaynak, B., Rodriguez-Labajos, B., and Yenilmez, T. 2017. Network effects in environmental justice struggles: An investigation of conflicts between mining companies and civil society organizations from a network perspective. PLoS One 12: 7.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ayres, R.U., and Kneese, A. 1969. Production, consumption, and externalities. The American Economic Review 59 (3): 282297.

  • Bandy, J., and Smith, J. 2005. Coalitions across Borders: Transnational Protest and the Neoliberal Order. Lanham, MD and Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Banerjee, S.B. 2017. Transnational power and translocal governance: The politics of corporate responsibility. Human Relations 71 (6): 796821.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Banerjee, S.B., Maher, R., and Krämer, R. 2021. Resistance is fertile: Toward a political ecology of translocal resistance. Organization. https://doi.org/10.1177/13505084219957.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Banerjee, S.B. 2021. Decolonizing deliberative democracy: Perspectives from below. Journal of Business Ethics. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10551-021-04971-5.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Banoub, D., Bridge, G., Bustos, B., Ertör, I., González-Hidalgo, M., and de los Reyes, J. 2020. Industrial dynamics on the commodity frontier: Managing time, space and form in mining, tree plantations and intensive aquaculture. Environment and Planning E: Nature and Space 4 (2). https://doi.org/10.1177/2514848620963362.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Barbora, S. 2017. Riding the Rhino: Conservation, conflicts, and militarisation of Kaziranga National Park in Assam. Antipode 49 (5): 11451163. https://doi.org/10.1111/anti.12329.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Barca, S. 2012. On working-class environmentalism. An historical and transnational overview. Interface. A Journal for and about Social Movements 4 (2): 6180.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Barca, S. 2020. Forces of Reproduction: Notes for a Counter-hegemonic Anthropocene. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

  • Barca, S., and Leonardi, E. 2018. Working-class ecology and union politics: A conceptual topology. Globalizations 15 (4): 487503.

  • Barreto, A.A. 2002. Vieques, the Navy, and Puerto Rican Politics. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida.

  • Bauer, S., Gusev, B., Belikhina, T., Moldagaliev, T., and Apsalikov, K. 2013. The legacies of Soviet nuclear testing in Kazakhstan: Fallout, public health and societal issues. In Radioactivity in the Environment (Vol. 19). Elsevier, 241258.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Beck, U. 1992. Risk Society. Towards a New Modernity. London: Sage.

  • Beckert, S. 2014. The Empire of Cotton: A New History of Global Capitalism. London: Allan Lane, Penguin.

  • Bell, K. 2020. Working-Class Environmentalism. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.

  • Bell, K. 2021. Diversity and Inclusion in Environmentalism. Abingdon: Routledge.

  • Berenschot, W., Afrizal, A.D., Hospec, O., et al.2022. Anti-corporate activism and collusion: The contentious politics of palm oil expansion in Indonesia. Geoforum 131: 3949.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bernstein, H. 2005. The environmentalism of the poor. A study of ecological conflicts and valuation (book review). Journal of Agrarian Change 5 (3): 429436.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Berta, L. 1913. Neomalthusianismo. Salud y Fuerza 52: 245248.

  • Berta, L. 1913. Per limitare la prole (I mezzi migliore per prevenire la gravidenza), Torino. Edizioni della rivista L’Educazione Sessuale.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bertuzzi, N. 2019. Political generations and the Italian environmental movement(s): Innovative youth activism and the permanence of collective actors. American Behavioral Scientist 63 (11): 15561577.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bhagwati, J. 2010. A new approach to tackling climate change. Financial Times, February 22. https://on.ft.com/3OxZnuD.

  • Bisht, A. 2021. Conceptualizing sand extractivism: Deconstructing an emerging resource frontier. The Extractive Industries and Society 8 (2). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2021.100904.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bisht, A. 2022. Sand futures: Post-growth alternatives for mineral aggregate consumption and distribution in the global south. Ecological Economics 191: 107233.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bisht, A., and Martinez-Alier, J. 2022. Coastal sand mining of heavy mineral sands: Contestations, resistance, and ecological distribution conflicts at HMS extraction frontiers across the world. Journal of Industrial Ecology. https://doi.org/10.1111/jiec.13358.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bjork-James, C., Checker, M., and Edelman, M. 2022. Transnational social movements: Environmentalist, indigenous, and agrarian visions for planetary futures. Annual Review of Environment and Resources 47: 583608.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Blaikie, P., and Brookfield, H. 1987. Land Degradation and Society. London: Methuen.

  • Blum, E. 2008. Love Canal Revisited. Race, Class, and Gender in Environmental Activism. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas.

  • Boelens, R., Cremers, L., and Zwarteveen, M., eds. 2011. Justicia Hídrica. Acumulación, conflicto y acción social. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bond, P. 2011. Carbon capital's trial, the Kyoto protocol's demise, and openings for climate justice. Capitalism Nature Socialism 22 (4): 217.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bond, P. 2014. Climate justice. In C. Death, ed., Critical Environmental Politics. London: Routledge, 133145.

  • Bonneuil, C., Choquet, P.-L., and Franta, B. 2021. Early warnings and emerging accountability: Total's responses to global warming, 1971–2021. Global Environmental Change 71. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2021.102386.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bontempi, A., Del Bene, D., and De Felice, L.J. 2021. Counter-reporting sustainability from the bottom-up: The case of the construction company We Build and dam related conflicts. Journal of Business Ethics. https://bit.ly/3nlq5L9.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bontempi, A.P. Venturi, Del Bene, D., Scheidel, A., Zaldo-Aubanell, Q., and Maneja, R. 2023. Conflict and conservation: On the role of protected areas for environmental justice. Global Environmental Change. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2023.102740

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Borras Jr, S.M. 2020. Agrarian social movements: The absurdly difficult but not impossible agenda of defeating right‐wing populism and exploring a socialist future. Journal of Agrarian Change 20 (1): 336.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Borrero, J.M. 1994. La Deuda Ecológica. Testimonio de una reflexión. Cali: FIPMA.

  • Boserup, E. 1965. The Conditions of Agricultural Growth: The Economics of Agrarian Change Under Population Pressure. London: Allen & Unwin.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Brand, U. etal. 2021. From planetary to societal boundaries: An argument for collectively defined self-limitation. Sustainability. Science, Practice and Policy 17 (1): 264291.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Broad, R., and Cavanagh, J. 1993. Plundering Paradise: The Struggle for the Environment in the Philippines. Berkley, Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Broad, R., and Cavanagh, J. 1999. The corporate accountability movement: Lessons and opportunities. The Fletscher Forum of World Affairs 23 (2): 151169.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Brock, A., and Dunlap, A. 2018. Normalising corporate counterinsurgency: Engineering consent, managing resistance and greening destruction around the Hambach coal mine and beyond. Political Geography 62: 3347.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Brown, P. 1987. Popular epidemiology: Community response to toxic waste-induced disease. Woburn, Massachusetts, Science, Technology, & Human Values 12 (3/4): 7885.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Brown, P. 1992. Popular epidemiology and toxic waste contamination: Lay and professional ways of knowing. Journal of Health and Social Behavior 33: 267281.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Brown, P. 1997. Popular epidemiology revisited. Current Sociology 45: 137156.

  • Bruno, K., Karliner, J., and Brotsky, C. 1999. Greenhouse gangsters vs. climate justice. CorpWatch. https://www.corpwatch.org/article/greenhouse-gangsters-vs-climate-justice.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bryant, B., and Mohai, P. 1992. Race and the Incidence of Environmental Hazards: A Time for Discourse. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

  • Bulffi, L. 1906. Grève des Ventres! (Meios práticos para evitar as familias numerosas). Porto: Tipografia Peninsular.

  • Bulffi, L. 1908. ¡Huelga de Vientres!, 5th ed. Barcelona: Editorial, Salud y Fuerza.

  • Bulffi, L. 1913. Exposición de doctrinas neomalthusianas y Doctor X Obturador Vaginal. Barcelona: Biblioteca de Salud y Fuerza.

  • Bullard, R. 1990. Dumping in Dixie: Race, Class, and Environmental Quality. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

  • Bullard, R. 1993. Confronting Environmental Racism. Voices from the Grassroots. Boston, MA: South End Press.

  • Bullard, R., and Johnson, G. 2000. Environmental justice: Grassroots activism and its impact on public policy decision making. Journal of Social Issues 6 (3): 555578. https://doi.org/10.1111/0022-4537.00184.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bunker, S. 1984. Modes of extraction, unequal exchange, and the progressive underdevelopment of an extreme periphery. The Brazilian Amazon. American Journal of Sociology 89: 10171064.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bunker, S. 1985. Underdeveloping the Amazon. Extraction, Unequal Exchange, and the Failure of the Modern State. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Burballa-Noria, A. 2019. Environmental justice claims and dimensions in anti-mega projects campaigns in Europe: The case of the forum against unnecessary and imposed megaprojects. In E. Apostopoulou and J. Cortes-Vaquez, eds., The Right to Nature. Social Movements, Environmental Justice and Neoliberal Natures. London: Routledge, 155167.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Burkett, P., and Foster, J.B. 2006. Metabolism, energy, and entropy in Marx's critique of political economy: Beyond the Podolinsky myth. Theory and Society 35: 109156.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Busch, T., Bauer, R., and Orlitzky, M. 2016. Sustainable development and financial markets: Old paths and new avenues. Business and Society 55 (3): 303329.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Büscher, B.E., and Fletcher, R. 2019. The case for convivial conservation. Undiscipline Environments. http://undisciplinedenvironments.org/index.php/2019/10/01/the-case-for-convivial-conservation/.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Caldwell, J. 1998. Malthus and the less developed world: The pivotal role of India. Population and Development Review 24 (4): 675696.

  • Camacho, D. 1998. The environmental justice movement. In D. Camacho, ed., Environmental Injustices, Political Struggles: Race, Class, and the Environment. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Capetillo, L. 1913. Por la libertad femenina. Cultura Obrera. New York: 13.

  • Cárcoba, A.C. 2000. El amianto en España. Colección Estudios. Madrid: Ediciones GPS. ISBN 84-95034-26-3.

  • Carlsson, C. 2008. Nowtopia: How Pirate Programmers, Outlaw Bicyclists and Vacant-lot Gardeners Are Inventing the Future Today. Oakland, CA: AK Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Carmin, J.A., and Ageyman, J., eds. 2010. Environmental Inequalities beyond Borders: Local Perspectives on Global Injustices. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Carrere, R. 2013. Oil palm in Africa: Past, present and future scenarios. World Rainforest Movement. https://bit.ly/30TUO4k.

  • Carrere, R., and Lohmann, L. 1996. Pulping the South. Industrial Tree Plantation and the World Paper Economy. London: Zed Books.

  • Castells, M. 1977. The Urban Question – A Marxist Approach. Cambridge: MIT Press (La Question urbaine, François Maspero, Paris, 1972).

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Castells, M. 1996. The Power of Identity. Oxford: Blackwell.

  • Castells, M. 1997. The Rise of the Network Society. Oxford: Blackwell.

  • Cattaneo, C. 2011. The money-free life of Spanish squatters. Chapter 10 in Anitra. Nelson, ed., Life Without Money. London: Pluto Press.

  • Centemeri, L., and Renou, G. 2017. Jusqu’où l’économie écologique pense-t-elle l’inégalité environnementale ? Autour de l’oeuvre de Joan Martinez-Alier. In C. Larrère, éd., Les inégalités environnementales. Paris: PUF, 5372.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Chaiyarak, B. 2009. Living in the midst of the mining industry in the Philippines and Japan: Community and civil society struggle to respond. In Maritime Asia. Understanding Confluences and Contestations, Continuities and Changes: Towards Transforming Society and Empowering People: The Work of 2009–2010 API Fellows.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Chang, S. 2014. 濁水溪三百年:歷史·社會·環境 (Three Hundred Years of the Zhuoshui River: History, Society, Environment). New Taipei City: Weicheng Publishing Company.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Charbonnier, P. 2020. Abondance et Liberté. Une histoire environnementale des idées politiques. Paris: La Découverte.

  • Chastagnaret, G. 2017. De fumées et de sang Pollution minière et massacre de masse Andalousie – XXe siècle. Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, XXIV + 423.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Chatterji, A., and Listokin, S. 2007. Corporate social irresponsibility. Democracy 3: 52.

  • Chatterton, P., and Pickerell, J. 2010. Everyday activism and transitions towards post-capitalist worlds. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 35: 475490.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Chen, H. 2009. 台灣水利史 (History of Irrigation in Taiwan). Taipei: Wu-Nan Book Inc.

  • Cheon, A., Kang, S.-T., and Ramachandran, S. 2021. Determinants of environmental conflict: When do communities mobilize against fossil fuel production? Journal of Conflict Resolution. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022002721999778.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Chertkovskaya, E., and Paulsson, A. 2020. Countering corporate violence: Degrowth, ecosocialism and organising beyond the destructive forces of capitalism. Organization 28 (3): 405425.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Chou, K.T. 2017. 氣候變遷社會學:高碳社會及其轉型挑戰 (Sociology of Climate Change: HighCarbon Society and its Transformation Challenge). Taipei: National Taiwan University Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Chueca, J. 1914. Eugenesia y Neomalthusianismo. Salud y Fuerza 142: 321322.

  • Chuluu, K.E. 2020. The Tongpo case: Indigenous institutions and environmental justice in China. Critical Asian Studies. https://doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2020.1854616.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Chung, H.M. 2006. Retracing the Meinung Anti-dam Movement in Taiwan. Taiwan: UTS.

  • Circular Economy. The circularity gap report, 2020. https://www.circularity-gap.world/2020.

  • Clark, C.E., Riera, M., and Iborra, M. 2021. Toward a theoretical framework of corporate social irresponsibility: Clarifying the gray zones between responsibility and irresponsibility. Business and Society. 00076503211015911.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Cline, W.R. 1992. The Economics of Global Warming. Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics.

  • Coggins, C., and Bixia, C. 2022. Sacred Forests of Asia. Spiritual Ecology and the Politics of Nature Conservation. London: Routledge.

  • Cohen, J. 1995. How Many People Can the Earth Support? New York: W.W. Norton & Company.

  • Conde, M. 2014. Activism mobilising science. Ecological Economics 105: 6777. DOI 10.1016/j.ecolecon.2014.05.012.

  • Conde, M., and Walter, M. 2022. Knowledge co-production in scientific and activist alliances: Unsettling coloniality. Engaging Science, Technology, and Society 8 (1): 150170. https://doi.org/10.17351/ests2022.479.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Corburn, J. 2005. Street Science: Community Knowledge and Environmental Health Justice. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

  • Coronil, F. 1994. Listening to the subaltern: The poetics of neocolonial states. Poetics Today 15 (4).

  • Cottrell, F. 1955. Energy and Society: The Relation Between Energy, Social Change, and Economic Development. New York: Toronto; London: Mc-Graw-Hill.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Cova, A. 2011. Féminismes et Néo-Malthusianismes sous la IIIe République: “La Liberté de la Maternité”. Paris: L’Harmattan.

  • Cova, A. 2020. Feminism and neo-Malthusianism. Encyclopédie d’histoire numérique de l’Europe. ISSN 2677–6588.

  • Crenshaw, K. 1989. Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: A Black feminist critique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory and antiracist politics. Legal Forum University of Chicago (1, Article 8). https://bit.ly/3u96mSE.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Crosby, Alfred W. 1986. Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900–1900. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

  • Custer, S., Dreher, A., Elston, T.B., Fuchs, A., Ghose, S., Lin, J., Malik, A., Parks, B.C., Russell, B., Solomon, K., and Strange, A. 2021. Tracking Chinese Development Finance: An Application of AidData's TUFF 2.0 Methodology. Williamsburg, VA: AidData at William & Mary.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • D’Alisa, G., Demaria, F., and Kallis, G., eds. 2014. Degrowth: A Vocabulary for a New Era. London: Routledge.

  • D’Eaubonne, F. 1974. Le Féminisme ou la mort. Paris: P. Houray.

  • D’Eaubonne, F. 2022. Feminism or Death. How the Women's Movement Can Save the Planet. London: Verso.

  • Daly, H. 1977. Steady State Economics. The Economics of Biophysical and Moral Growth. San Francisco: W.F. Freeman.

  • David, A. 1911. Feminismo Racional. Barcelona: Biblioteca editorial Salud y Fuerza.

  • Davidson, D.J. 2018. Metabolism. In M. Boström and D. Davidson, eds., Environment and Society. Palgrave Studies in Environmental Sociology and Policy. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76415-3_3.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • De Pietri-Tonelli, A. 1906. La teoria malthusiana della popolazione. Carpi: Tip. Giuseppe Rossi.

  • De Pietri-Tonelli, A. 1911. Il Problema della procreazione (Inquiesta sul neomalthusianismo). Milano: Casa editrici di Avanguardia.

  • Dehm, J. 2022. Environmental justice challenges to international economic ordering. American Journal of International Law 116: 101106.

  • Del Bene, D., Scheidel, A., and Temper, L. 2018. More dams, more violence? A global analysis on resistances and repression around conflictive dams through co-produced knowledge. Sustainability Science 13 (3): 617633. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11625-018-0558-1.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Delap, L. 2020. Feminisms: A Global History. London: Pelican.

  • Deleuze, G., and Guattari, F. 1980. A Thousand Plateaus. 1980 Les Éditions de Minuit (French)/1987 University of Minnesota Press (English). London and New York: Continuum, 2004.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Delina, L. 2021. Topographies of coal mining dissent: Power, politics, and protests in southern Philippines. World Development 137: 105194.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Dell’Angelo, J., Navas, G., Witteman, M., D’Alisa, G., Scheidel, A., and Temper, L. 2021. Commons grabbing and agribusiness: Violence, resistance and social mobilization. Ecological Economics. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2021.107004.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Della Porta, D., and Diani, M. 2020. Social Movements: An Introduction. New Jersey: Wiley, Blackwell.

  • Della Porta, D., and Portos, M. 2021. Rich kids of Europe? Social basis and strategic choices in the climate activism of Fridays for Future. Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica, First View, 1–26. https://doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2021.54.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Della Porta, D., and Rucht, D. 2002. The dynamics of environmental campaigns. Mobilization: An International Journal 7 (1): 114.

  • Demaria, F. 2010. Shipbreaking at Alang-Sosiya (India): An ecological distribution conflict. Ecological Economics 70 (2): 250260.

  • Demaria, F. 2023. The Political Ecology of Informal Waste Recyclers in India. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

  • Demaria, F., and Schindler, S. 2015. Contesting urban metabolism: Struggles over waste‐to‐energy in Delhi, India. Antipode 48 (2): 293313.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Demaria, F., Schneider, F., Sekulova, F., and Martinez-Alier, J. 2013. What is degrowth? From an activist slogan to a social movement. Environmental Values 22 (2): 191215.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Derdak, T., and Hast, A. 1991. Mitsui mining company limited history. In International Directory of Company Histories, volume 4. St James Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Desai, S. 1998. Engendering population policy. In M. Krishnaraj, R. Sudarshan and A. Shariff, eds., Gender, Population and Development. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 4469.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Di Chiro, G. 1992. Defining environmental justice. Women's voices and grassroots politics. Socialist Review 22 (4): 93130.

  • Di Chiro, G. 1998. Nature as community. The convergence of social and environmental justice. In M. Goldman, ed., Privatizing Nature: Political Struggles for the Global Commons. London: Pluto.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Di Chiro, G. 2021. Mobilizing “intersectionality” in environmental justice research and action in a time of crisis. In B. Coolsaet, ed., Environmental Justice. Key Issues. Abingdon, Oxford: Routledge.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Diani, M. 2022. From environmental (movement) organizations to the organizing of environmental collective action. In M. Grasso and M. Giugni, eds., The Routledge Handbook of Environmental Movements. London and New York: Routledge.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Domènech, C., De Pablo, J., and Ayora, C. (2002). Oxidative dissolution of pyritic sludge from the Aznalcóllar mine (SW Spain). Chemical Geology 190 (1‒4): 339‒353.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Dorninger, C., Hornborg, A., Abson, D.J., von Wehrden, H., Schaffartzik, A., Giljum, S., Engler, J.-O., Feller, R.L., Hubacek, K., and Wieland, H. 2021. Global patterns of ecologically unequal exchange: Implications for sustainability in the 21st century. Ecological Economics 179: 106824.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Drouard, A. 1992. Aux Origines de L’Eugenisme en France: le néo-malthusianisme (1896–1914). Population 2: 435460.

  • Drozdz, M. 2020. Maps and protest. In International Encyclopaedia of Human Geography. London: Elsevier, 367378. https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-08-102295-5.10575-X.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Drysdale, Ch. 1908. Dignidad, Libertad e Independencia. Barcelona: Biblioteca Editorial Salud y Fuerza.

  • D’Souza, R. 2003. Environmental discourse and environmental politics. In Smitu. Kothari, Imtiaz. Ahmad and Helmut. Reifeld, eds., The Value of Nature. Ecological Politics in India. Delhi: Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, Rainbow Publishers.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Duany, J. 2003. The Puerto Rican Nation on the Move: Identities on the Island and in the United States. Durham, NC: University of North Carolina Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Dunlap, A. 2019. ‘Agro sí, mina NO!’ The Tía Maria copper mine, state terrorism and social war by every means in the Tambo Valley, Peru. Political Geography 71: 1025. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2019.02.001.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Dunlap, A., and Riquito, M. 2023. Social warfare for lithium extraction? Open-pit lithium mining, counterinsurgency tactics and enforcing green extractivism in northern Portugal. Energy Research & Social Science 95: 102912.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Dunlap, R.E., and York, R. 2008. The globalization of environmental concern and the limits of the postmaterialist values explanation: Evidence from four multinational surveys. The Sociological Quarterly 49 (3): 529563.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Egan, M. 2002. Subaltern Environmentalism in the United States: A historiographic review. Environment and History 8 (1): 2141. https://doi.org/10.3197/096734002129342585.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ehrlich, P.R. 1968. The Population Bomb. New York: Ballantine.

  • Elkington, J. 1997. Cannibals with Forks: The Triple Bottom Line of Twenty-First Century Business. Oxford: Capstone.

  • Ertör, I. 2021. ‘We are the oceans, we are the people!’: Fisher people's struggles for blue justice. The Journal of Peasant Studies. https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2021.1999932.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Escobar, A. 2008. Territories of Difference: Place, Movements, Life, Redes. Durham: Duke UP.

  • Fabbri, L. 1914. Generazioni Cosciente (appunti sul neo-malthusianismo). Florence: Istituto Editoriale Il Pensiero.

  • Fan, M.F.(范玫芳) 2006. Environmental justice and nuclear waste conflicts in Taiwan. Environmental Politics 15 (3): 417–434. https://bit.ly/2WkY2R1.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fanari, E. 2019. Relocation from protected areas as a violent process in the recent history of biodiversity conservation in India. Ecology, Economy and Society – The INSEE Journal 2 (1): 4376. https://doi.org/10.37773/ees.v2i1.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Faure, S. 1904. El Problema de la Población. Barcelona: Biblioteca Amor y Maternidad Libre.

  • Faure, S. 1935. Alrededor del asunto de las esterilizaciones. Estudios 142: 35.

  • Fearnside, P.M. 1997. Environmental services as a strategy for sustainable development in rural Amazonia. Ecological Economics 20 (1): 5370.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fearnside, P.M. 1999. Social impacts of Brazil's Tucuruí dam. Environmental Management 24 (4): 483495.

  • Ferdinand, M. 2019. Une écologie décoloniale. Penser l’écologie depuis Le Monde Caribéen. Paris: Seuil (English trans. Polity, 2021).

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ferdinand, M. 2022. Behind the colonial silence of wilderness: “In Marronage lies the search of a world”. Environmental Humanities 14 (1): 182201. https://doi.org/10.1215/22011919-9481506.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ferrero Blanco, M.D. 1999. Capitalismo minero y resistencia rural en el suroeste andaluz: Rio Tinto, 1873–1900. Huelva: Diputación Provincial.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fischer-Kowalski, F., and Haberl, H., eds. 2007. Socioecological Transitions and Global Change: Trajectories of Social Metabolism and Land Use. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing Limited.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fischer-Kowalski, F., and Haberl, H. 2015. Social metabolism: A metrics for biophysical growth and degrowth. Chapter 5 in J. Martinez-Alier and R. Muradian, eds., Handbook of Ecological Economics. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fischer-Kowalski, M. 1998. Society's metabolism. The intellectual history of materials flow analysis, part I, 1860–1970. Journal of Industrial Ecology 2 (1): 6178.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fischer-Kowalski, M., and Haberl, H. 1997. Tons, Joules and money: Modes of production and their sustainability problems. Society and Natural Resources 10 (1): 6185.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fjelland, R. 2016. When lay people are right and experts are wrong: Lessons from Love canal. International Journal for Philosophy of Chemistry 22 (1): 105125.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fomičev, V. 2014. Marx's excerpt von S.A. Podolinsky: Le Travail Human et la Conservation de l’Energie (Review international de sciences biologiques, 1880). Beiträge zur Marx-Engels Forschung. Neue Folge 2012. Hamburg: Argument Verlag.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Foster, J.B. 2000. Marx's Ecology: Materialism and Nature. New York: Monthly Review Press.

  • Franco, M.P.V. 2019. Essays on the History and Philosophy of Ecological Economic Thought. PhD Dissertation.

  • Franco, M.P.V. and Missener, A. 2022. A History of Ecological Economic Thought. London: Routledge.

  • Franks, D. 2020. Reclaiming the neglected minerals of development. The Extractive Industries and Society 7 (2). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2020.02.002.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fraser, N. 2010. Scales of Justice, Reimagining Political Space in a Globalizing World. New York: Columbia UP.

  • Fraser, N. 2022. Cannibal Capitalism: How Our System is Devouring Democracy, Care, and the Planet and What We Can Do About It. London: Verso Books.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Freire, J., and Lousada, M.A. 1982. O neomalthusianismo na propaganda libertária. Análise Social 18: 13671395.

  • Freschi, N. 2018. Taiwan's Nuclear Dilemma, The Diplomat, 14 March.

  • Friends of the Earth International. 2005. Climate debt. Making historical responsibility part of the solution. https://www.eldis.org/document/A21399.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Funtowicz, S.O., and Ravetz, J.R. 1993. Science for the post-normal age. Futures 25 735755.

  • Funtowicz, S.O., and Ravetz, J.R. 1994. The worth of a songbird: Ecological economics as a post-normal science. Ecological Economics 10 (3): 197207.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Gadgil, M. 2018. Sacred groves: An ancient tradition of nature conservation. Scientific American 319: 6.

  • García, V. 1913. El cortejo de los hambrientos o la emigración europea. Salud y Fuerza 51: 233.

  • García, V. 1913. El neomalthusianismo y la guerra. Salud y Fuerza 51: 234236.

  • Gehman, J., Lefsrud, L.M., and Stewart, F. 2017. Social license to operate: Legitimacy by another name? Canadian Public Administration 60 (2): 293317. https://doi.org/10.1111/capa.12218.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • George, T., and Toroku, S. 2013. Mountain dreams, chemical nightmares. In Ian Jared. Miller, Julia Adeney. Thomas, and Brett L. Walker, eds., Japan at Nature's Edge: The Environmental Context of a Global Power. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Georgescu-Roegen, N. 1960. Economic theory and agrarian economics. Oxford Economic Papers 12 (1): 140.

  • Georgescu-Roegen, N. 1971. The Entropy Law and the Economic Process. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

  • Georgescu-Roegen, N. 1975. Energy and economic myths. Southern Economic Journal 41 (3): 347381.

  • Gerber, J.F. 2011. Conflicts over industrial tree plantations in the South: Who, how and why? Global Environmental Change 21 (1): 165176.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Gerber, J.F. 2016. The legacy of K. William Kapp. Development and Change. https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12238.

  • Gerber, J.F. 2020. Anti-mining conflicts and degrowth. Commodity Frontiers 1: 2831. https://doi.org/10.18174/CF.2020a17968.

  • Gerber, J.F., Akbulut, B., Demaria, F., and Martinez-Alier, J. 2021. Degrowth and environmental justice: An alliance between two movements. In B. Coolsaet, ed., Environmental Justice. Key Issues. Abingdon: Earthscan/Routledge.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Gerber, J.F., Veuthey, S., and Martinez-Alier, J. 2009. Linking political ecology with ecological economics in tree plantation conflicts in Cameroon and Ecuador. Ecological Economics 68 (12): 28852889. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2009.06.029.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Giampietro, M. 2019. On the circular bioeconomy and decoupling: Implications for sustainable growth. Ecological Economics 162: 143156.

  • Giampietro, M., and Funtowicz, S.O. 2020. From elite folk science to the policy legend of the circular economy. Environmental Science & Policy 109: 6472. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.envsci.2020.04.012.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Giampietro, M., and Mayumi, K. 2009. The Biofuel Delusion: The Fallacy of Large Scale Agro-Biofuels Production. London: Routledge.

  • Gibson-Graham, J.K. 2008. Diverse economies: Performative practices for other worlds. Progress in Human Geography 32 (5): 613632. https://doi.org/10.1177/0309132508090821

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ginanjar, W.R., and Mubarrok, A.Z. 2020. Civil society and global governance: The indirect participation of extinction rebellion in global governance on climate change. Journal of Contemporary Governance and Public Policy 1 (1): 4152.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Gini, C. 1912. Fattori demografici. Turin: Fratelli Bocca, editori.

  • Gini, C. 1928. Il numero come forza. Critica Fascista 19: 466468.

  • Giorni, S. 1922. El Neo-Malthusianismo e la guerra mondiale. Florence: Società Editoriale Neo-Malthusiana.

  • Giroud, G. 1937. Paul Robin. Sa vie, Ses idées, Son action. Paris: G. Mignolet & Storz.

  • Glaser, A., and Ramana, M.V. 2007. Weapon-grade plutonium production potential in the Indian prototype fast breeder reactor. Science & Global Security 15 (2): 85105.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Godard, O. 2012. Ecological debt and historical responsibility revisited: The case of climate change. EUI Working Papers. https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/23430.

  • Goldman, E. 1930. Living My Life. New York: Dover.

  • Gomez Baggethun, E. 2020. More is more: Scaling political ecology within limits to growth. Political Geography 76. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2019.102095.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Gonzalez de Molina, M., and Toledo, V.M. 2014. The Social Metabolism. A Socio-Ecological Theory of Historical Change. Cham: Springer.

  • Gordon, L. 1976. Woman's Body, Woman's Right: A Social History of Birth Control in America. New York: Grossman Publications.

  • Gordon, R. 1999. Poisons in the fields: The UFW, pesticides, and environmental politics. Pacific Historical Review 68 (1): 5177.

  • Gottlieb, R. 2005. Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement. Washington, DC: Island Press.

  • Gottlieb, R. 2009. Where we live, work, play… and eat: Expanding the environmental justice agenda. Environmental Justice 2: 78.

  • Gottlieb, R., and Joshi, A. 2010. Food Justice. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

  • Gudynas, E. 2009. Diez tesis urgentes sobre el nuevo extractivismo. Extractivismo, política y sociedad 187: 187225. https://bit.ly/2yib7w5.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Gudynas, E. 2014. We need a mining moratorium given the obsession for gold. Envío 327. https://bit.ly/2Z7MpPL.

  • Guha, R., and Martinez-Alier, J. 1997. Varieties of Environmentalism. Essays North and South. London: Earthscan.

  • Guha, R., and Martinez-Alier, J. 1999. Political ecology, the environmentalism of the poor and the global movement for environmental justice. Kurswechsel 3: 2740.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Guha, Ramachandra.. 1989. The Unquiet Woods: Ecological Change and Peasant Resistance in the Himalaya. Delhi: Oxford University Press.

  • Guha, Ramachandra.. 2010. Makers of Modern India. New Delhi: Penguin.

  • Guha, Ranajit.., ed. 1989. Subaltern Studies VI: Writings on South Asian History (Vol. 6, p. 335). Oxford: Oxford University Press.

  • Guzmán López, F. 2018. Megaminería y 7 maldades del despojo territorial. Berlin: Editorial Académica Española.

  • Haas, W., Krausmann, F., Wiedenhofer, D., and Heinz, M. 2015. How circular is the global economy?: An assessment of material flows, waste production, and recycling in the European Union and the world in 2005. Journal of Industrial Ecology. https://doi.org/10.1111/jiec.12244.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Haas, W., Krausmann, F., Wiedenhofer, D., Lauk, C., and Mayer, A. 2020. Spaceship earth's odyssey to a circular economy – a century long perspective. Resources, Conservation and Recycling 163: 105076.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Haberl, H., Erb, K.H., Plutzar, C., Fischer-Kowalski, M., Krausmann, F., Hak, T., Moldan, B., and Dahl, A.L. 2007. Human appropriation of net primary production (HANPP) as indicator for pressures on biodiversity. In T. Hak, B. Moldan, A.L. and Dahl, eds., Sustainability Indicators. A Scientific Assessment. Washington, DC, Covelo, London: SCOPE, Island Press, 271288.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Haberl, H., Steinberger, J.K., Plutzar, C., Erb, K.-H., Gaube, V., Gingrich, S., and Krausmann, F. 2012. Natural and socioeconomic determinants of the embodied human appropriation of net primary production and its relation to other resource use indicators. Ecological Indicators 23: 222231.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Håkansson, N.T. 2004. The human ecology of world systems in East Africa: The impact of the ivory trade. Human Ecology 32 (5): 561591.

  • Hamilton, C. 2013. Earthmasters: The Dawn of the Age of Climate Engineering. New Haven: Yale University Press.

  • Hanaček, K., and Martinez-Alier, J. 2022. Nuclear supply chain and environmental justice struggles in Soviet and Post-Soviet countries. Post-Communist Economies 34 (7): 966994.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hanaček, K., Kröger, M., Scheidel, A., Rojas, F., and Martinez-Alier, J. 2022. On thin ice. The Arctic commodity extraction frontier and environmental conflicts. Ecological Economics 191. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2021.107247.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hardin, G. 1974. Life boat ethics: The case against helping the poor. Psychology Today, Sept.

  • Harich, W. 1975. Kommunismus ohne Wachstum. Babeuf und der Club of Rome. Reinbek – Hamburg: Rowohlt.

  • Hartmann, B. 1994. Reproductive Rights and Wrongs: The Global Politics of Population Control, 3rd ed. Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books, 2016.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Harvey, D. 1995. Globalization in question. Rethinking Marxism 8 (4): 117.

  • Harvey, D. 2002. The art of rent: Globalisation, monopoly and the commodification of culture. Socialist Register 38.

  • Harvey, D. 2003. Accumulation by dispossession. In The New Imperialism. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

  • Hassaniyan, A. 2021. The environmentalism of the subalterns: A case study of environmental activism in Eastern Kurdistan/Rojhelat. Local Environment. https://doi.org/10.1080/13549839.2021.1933927.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hays, S.P. 1987. Beauty, Health, and Permanence: Environmental Politics in the United States, 1955–1985. New York: Cambridge University Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hays, S.P. 1995. The Response to Industrialism, 1885–1914. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

  • Hays, S.P. 1999. Conservation and the Gospel of Efficiency: The Progressive Conservation Movement, 1890–1920. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hayter, R. 2003. Relocating resource peripheries to the core of economic geography's theorizing: Rationale and agenda. Area 35 (1): 1523.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Healy, H., Martinez-Alier, J., Temper, L., Walter, M., and Gerber, J.F., eds. 2012. Ecological Economics from the Ground Up. London: Routledge.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hickel, J. 2019. The contradiction of the sustainable development goals: Growth versus ecology on a finite planet. Sustainable Development 27 (5): 873884. https://doi.org/10.1002/sd.1947.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hickel, J. 2021. The anti-colonial politics of degrowth. Political Geography 88.

  • Hickel, J., and Kallis, G. 2020. Is green growth possible? New Political Economy. https://doi.org/10.1080/13563467.2019.1598964.

  • Hickel, J., Dorniger, C., Wieland, H.P., and Suwandig, I. 2022. Imperialist appropriation in the world economy: Drain from the global South through unequal exchange, 1990–2015. Global Environmental Change 73: 102467.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ho, M.S. 2011. Environmental movement in democratizing Taiwan (1980–2004): A political opportunity structure perspective. Chapter in J. Broadbent and V. Brockman, eds., East Asian Social Movements. Power, Protest, and Change in a Dynamic Region. Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-09626-1_13.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ho, M.S. 2013. Lukang anti-DuPont movement (Taiwan). African and Asian Studies 4 (3): 237269.

  • Ho, M.S. 2014. Resisting naphtha crackers. A historical survey of environmental politics in Taiwan. China Perspectives 2014 (2014/3): 514.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ho, M.S., and Su, F.S. 2008. Control by containment: The politics of institutionalizing pollution disputes in Taiwan. Environment and Planning A 40 (10): 24022418. 林園事件: 全國最大的一個污染糾紛事件 (Linyuan event: One of the largest pollution disputes around the country).

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Holden, W.N. 2013. The least of my brethren: Mining, indigenous peoples, and the Roman Catholic church in the Philippines. Worldviews 17 (3): 205238. Published By: Brill. https://bit.ly/3nr9MMQ.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Holden, W.N., and Jacobson, D. 2007. Ecclesial opposition to nonferrous metals mining in the Philippines: Neoliberalism encounters liberation theology. Asian Studies Review 31 (2): 133154. https://doi.org/10.1080/10357820701373291.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Honneth, A. 1995. The Struggle for Recognition: The Moral Grammar of Social Conflicts. Cambridge: Polity Press.

  • Honneth, A. 2001. Recognition or redistribution? Theory, Culture, Society 18 (23). https://doi.org/10.1177/0263276012205177.

  • Hornborg, A. 1998. Towards an ecological theory of unequal exchange. Articulating world system theory and ecological economics. Ecological Economics 25: 127136.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hornborg, A. 2005. Footprints in the cotton fields: The Industrial Revolution as time–space appropriation and environmental load displacement. Ecological Economics 59: 7481.