Abstract: The protagonists of the many environmental conflicts are often Indigenous and peasant groups, and they also include Catholic clergy, and local and international EJOs. There are place-specific objections to nickel, copper, gold, and sand mining; extraction of biomass in the form of palm oil plantations and logging; hydropower and coal-fired plants; waste dumping in landfills; and nuclear energy. There are ancestral values placed on sacred hills and burial grounds destroyed by corporate mining. The bishops are influenced by Liberation Theology. There are active movements for climate justice. Business companies involved in such conflicts are often foreign, particularly in metal mining conflicts but also in palm oil plantations. The chapter dwells on the repression, “red-tagging”, and a high number of killings of Indigenous environmentalists and activists. Unlike Japan, no process of ecological modernisation happened. Extractivism is stronger than ever.

As we have seen in Chapter 2, Japan underwent a process of ecological modernization acknowledging some environmental liabilities combined with remarkable ecological disasters. In the Philippines, another “toxic archipelago”, no parallel process of ecological modernization is yet to be seen. On the contrary, protests are met with heavy repression; the increased plundering of the country continues. The patterns of environmental conflicts in the Philippines are different from those in Japan, where conflicts arose from health issues related to industry, including, in the last years, the nuclear industry. The Philippines has no working nuclear power plants though it has the Bataan NPP built in 1984 that has never been operational owing to decades of activism. One type of conflict in both countries is that related to CFPP. The Philippines’ economy is largely based on extractivism (a word introduced from South America by Gudynas, Svampa and Acosta), which means it is an economy based on the extraction (without reposition) of raw materials which in part are exported. It is a tropical Raubwirtschaft with many movements of grassroots resistance and environmental defenders killed. A country with Indigenous populations at the frontline of resistance. The Philippines is not a manufacturing economy, the economy is geared to local subsistence needs and also to export of some minerals, although not to the extent of South American or Indonesian economies.

The EJAtlas has collected almost one hundred conflicts in the Philippines of which this chapter has chosen a sample (Figure 3.1). The chapter will now proceed with descriptions of five or six conflicts related to mining, where nickel predominates, followed by copper and gold, and sand mining for metals. Protagonists are often Indigenous people, whose actions are a reaction against socio-environmental injustices. Individually, Victoria Tauli-Corpuz is one, an Indigenous leader and human rights defender from the Kankanaey Igorot people of the Cordillera Region, who was Chair of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues from 2005 to 2010. She was actively engaged in the development of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007. She helped build the Indigenous peoples’ movement in the Cordillera as a youth activist in the early 1970s and helped organize Indigenous peoples against the Chico River Hydroelectric Dam and the Cellophil Resources Corporation. These communities succeeded in stopping these projects.

Map of the Philippines with the cases considered in this chapter, classified in nine categories.
Figure 3.1

Philippines cases considered in this chapter

Source:  A. Grimaldos

MINING CONFLICTS IN THE PHILIPPINES

Didipio Gold and Copper 1

We start with the Didipio Gold and Copper mine in Barangay Didipio in Luzon Island, 100 per cent owned by Oceana Gold Corporation from Australia, which has caused large human rights violations and environmental destruction in several countries. It was the first mining project awarded a Financial Technical Assistance Agreement (FTAA) by the Philippine p. 50 p. 51government. The mine is located in an area in which the majority of people are Indigenous although not deemed to be of ancestral origin. The company claims to have obtained a Free Prior Informed Consent of affected communities by creating a ‘council of elders’ composed of people that either did not belong to the communities or received rewards in exchange for their consent. Awarded the FTAA in the 1990s, the company started project implementation in 2000 and formal petitions against the FTAA were lodged in 2006 but dismissed. In 2009, it was reported that the company forcefully evicted local villagers, destroying 187 houses and using teargas against villagers.

Also, the environmental network Kalikasan reported that in 2012, two opponents of large-scale mining members of the Didipio Earthsavers’ Multipurpose Association (DESAMA) were killed by unidentified assailants in Didipio.

Another murder is that of Cheryl Ananayo, who was shot dead along with her cousin-in-law Randy Nabayay as they were riding to Didipio in 2012. Nabayay was a small-scale miner who had differences with Oceana Gold over his property.

The Commission for Human Rights (CHR) of the Philippines urged the government to withdraw the FTAA due to evidence of human rights abuses. However, the government sided with the company. Construction was completed in 2012 and commercial production started in April 2013, increasing contamination of rivers by heavy metals, significantly exceeding the standard safety limits and strongly affecting the environment and the livelihood of local communities. People are concerned about declining fish stock and irrigation of nearby agricultural fields.

Petitions and protests against the Didipio mine targeting the company and the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) issuing the permits go on. On the national level, many mines are causing severe tensions between corporate interests and Indigenous communities aiming to preserve their identities, opposing these trends which they call “development aggression”. In 2017, Oceana Gold appealed directly to Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte against the suspension of its gold and copper mine employing 1,800 workers, most of them Filipinos. At the time, the Environment and Natural Resources Secretary Gina Lopez, an ally of Mr Duterte, ordered a suspension or closing down of more than half of the country's mines, including Oceana Gold's Didipio mine. She was forced to resign. By 2019, the company reported that production and economics results at Didipio were better than ever before.

In June 2019, a key mining permit expired. The local community had been fighting this whole time and sensed an opportunity, so they erected a roadblock to stop Oceana Gold from accessing the mine. On 6 April 2020, Philippine police forces violently dismantled the roadblock. One leader, the anti-mining advocate Roland Pulido, chairman of DESAMA, was arrested while others were beaten.

Unexpectedly, the Australian Oceana Gold Corporation appeared in Central America in the conspicuous case of El Dorado gold mine owned by Pacific Rim (Chapter 18). On being denied permission to mine, Pacific Rim brought the country of El Salvador to the World Bank's International Center for the Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) claiming payment. Oceana Gold bought Pacific Rim, trying to make money and perhaps hoping to mine. In an inter-continental action, the organizations Alyansa Tigil Mina (Alliance against Mining-Philippines), Lilak (Purple Action for Indigenous Women's Rights), Focus on the Global South and the EU-ASEAN anti-FTA Campaign Network denounced the bullying of El Salvador. On 14 October 2016 the ICSID decided in favour of El Salvador and charged Oceana Gold with US$ 8 million for judicial expenses. The conflict in El Salvador ended with the Ley de Prohibición de la Minería Metálica passed by Parliament in March 2017.p. 52

King-King Copper and Gold Mine in Pantukan, Compostela, Mindanao 2

Moving from the north to the south of the country, another big conflict on a gold and copper mine, involving activists’ deaths, is on the King-King open-pit mine in Pantukan in Compostela province, a really conflictive place. The $US 2 billion project threatens local livelihoods and also the rich biodiversity of Southern Mindanao. Protagonists are international corporations, the Philippine army, local groups of grassroots environmental defenders, Lumad ancestral inhabitants and possibly the New People Army (NPA).

The environmental group Panalipdan-SMR cited the 2013 NI 43-101 Technical Report and Preliminary Feasibility Study of M3 Engineering & Technology (M3ENG), which warned that King-King mining will affect 12 “vulnerable or critically endangered” native or endemic plant species, 6 bird species endemic to Mindanao, and a total of 17 mammalian species and 10 reptilian species identified in the area. Several species of the region are listed as near-threatened or vulnerable by the IUCN Red List and the Philippine National Red List while others are protected by the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES). The region is also home to the Philippine eagle Pithecophaga jefferyi, which would be further endangered. Panalipdan-SMR also highlighted the impact on the coastal and marine ecosystems, composed of several species of sea turtles, dolphins, whales and seabirds, of which the sea cow species and all species of sea turtle are also listed as endangered.

To the threat to biodiversity is added the threat to humans. Sixty-year-old Teresita Navacilla was shot. She was a member of the Save Pantukan Movement, a network of Indigenous peoples fighting for the right to their ancestral lands and opposing large-scale open pit mining by foreign corporations. On 30 January 2016, three days after being shot, she died in a hospital in Tagum City. One of the perpetrators entered her store in Purok Bardown and shot her twice, then both men rode away on motorcycles. They were reportedly soldiers from the 46th Infantry Battalion assigned to secure the King-King project. Inhabitants of the Compostela Valley said that the soldiers had arrested and assaulted members of Indigenous people Mansaka and other civilians from the region opposing the mining project. The commander of the 46th Infantry Battalion denied any involvement of his soldiers in the killing of Teresita Navacilla.

Front Line Defenders condemned the killing of Teresita Navacilla, motivated by her activities in the defence of environmental rights and rights of Indigenous communities, and also reiterated its extreme concern for impunity regarding the growing number of killings of human rights defenders in the country. On her part, Hanimay Suazo, general secretary of human rights group Karapatan, said: “She is the 54th victim of extrajudicial killings in Southern Mindanao since 2010 and the fourth victim here in just one month”. There was a pattern of repression against environmentalists in the region, accusing them of membership of the New People Army, a tested technique (“red-tagging”) of the police and the military.

The project is being carried out by two large-scale international companies, Nationwide Development Corporation (NADECOR) and St. Augustine Gold and Copper Limited (SAGCL). The King-King tenement is the second largest copper and gold deposit in the Philippines. In spring 2016, NADECOR, in partnership with SAGCL, planned to begin mining activities.p. 53

Black Sand Mining for Magnetite 3

Conflicts on sand and gravel mining for the building industry, and also on sand mining for metals (Chapter 15) appear relatively often in the EJAtlas. Here, we introduce the topic by a conflict initially involving the Chinese firm Nicua Mining Corporation. Magnetite ore is a ferromagnetic material and is one of several types of iron oxide. This is a raw material for steel making that is highly sought-after. More than 70 ha of the town's farmlands had been destroyed, or are drying out because the company has diverted the irrigation. The black sands of beaches have been scooped up in the quest for the valuable mineral, leaving coastal areas and river banks eroded and vulnerable to sea level rise, floods, and storm surges. In the case of Nicua's operations in MacArthur town in Leyte province, the activities centred on the exploration, development and extraction of magnetite sand, in order to produce magnetite concentrate. Before suspension in August 2012, production capacity was reported to amount to 500,000 to 600,000 tons per year.

While some companies ‒ such as the Nicua Mining Corporation ‒ held an official permit to mine black sand, there is also illegal mining in the region. Black sand is largely sold to other Asian countries, with China being the biggest buyer. In March 2012, the Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources (BFAR) reported that contamination from Nicua's mining operation led to a massive fish kill in Lake Bito. In June 2012, farmers and fishermen went to court and filed an application for a temporary environmental protection order. The villagers were afraid of the irreversible environmental impacts mining has on water sources and how it encroaches on their agricultural lands.

In response to the contamination of Lake Bito, in August 2012, the Mines and Geosciences Bureau (MGB) suspended the operation of Chinese firm Nicua. Moreover, Nicua employed Chinese workers without having permits, and authorized a second party to mine in the area without permission from MGB.

Several firms have been active in Cagayan province. Suspension orders are not respected. There are new projects for river sand and for submarine mining in Cagayan. In December 2020, an Apollo Global Capital's subsidiary announced that the Department of Environment and Natural Resources granted them a permit to start the country's first offshore magnetite iron mining project.

Nickel Mining in the “Last Ecological Frontier”, Brooke's Point, Palawan 4

The Philippines is one of the richest countries in terms of natural resources and mineral potential. The country ranks third in gold deposits, fourth in copper, fifth in nickel and sixth in chromite. Brooke's Point is one of several conflictive nickel mines in Palawan, an island of great biodiversity value. Two Philippine companies are involved, Ipilan Nickel Corp (INC) and MacroAsia Mining Corp. The local government of Brooke's Point vowed to press charges against INC after the latter resumed its mining activities despite the cancellation of its Environmental Compliance Certificate. Mayor Mary Jean Feliciano said they would also push for the cancellation of the company's Strategic Environmental Plan Clearance issued by the Palawan Council for Sustainable Development (PCSD).

In May 2017, after former environment minister Gina Lopez was dismissed from the government, the cutting of thousands of trees by INC in Palawan drew the ire not only of the local p. 54population but also of a Catholic bishop, not the only bishop active in environmental issues in the Philippines. Bishop Socrates Mesiona emphasized on Manila archdiocese-run Radio Veritas: “This is a tragedy because Palawan is the last frontier so we hope that our environment will be protected, especially the century-old trees”.

The cutting of trees will affect 3,000 ha of agricultural land and 30,000 people in at least five barangays. Local officials were also planning to sue the mining company. By 19 May 2017, it was reported that the DNER director of the Mimaropa Region issued the order cancelling the tree cutting permit previously issued to INC. This company is an affiliate of Global Ferronickel Holdings Inc., one of the country's largest producers of nickel ore. The company was facing a cancellation of its permits but defended their validity and is also facing illegal logging charges and violation of Republic Act No. 9175, the Chainsaw Act of 2002.

Rio Tuba and Coral Bay Nickel Mining and Processing in Palawan 5

Rio Tuba and Coral Bay are Japanese- and Filipino-owned nickel and cobalt mining and processing plants at the southern tip of Palawan. Environmental Justice organizations from both countries have been active in this case. Rio Tuba is designed to produce 10,000 dry metric tons of nickel to be recovered per year from low-grade ore coming from its open pit mining activity. Its nickel output will be exported to Japan. However, a massive amount of sulphuric acid, a highly toxic chemical used to produce nickel will be imported from Japan at the rate of 270,000 metric tons annually. In Coral Bay (the sister factory), imports of sulphuric acid were estimated at 600,000 tons in 2014. Coral Bay operated in 2007 at a capacity of 24,000 tonnes of contained nickel and 1,500 tonnes of contained cobalt per year in the form of a mixed nickel-cobalt sulphide, which is sold exclusively to Sumitomo for refining at its Niihama Nickel Refinery.

Apart from chemical risks to health, the open pit nickel mines are wiping out old growth forests and endangered plants and animals. The Rio Tuba Nickel Mining Corporation became the centre of major controversy in 2002. After a contentious past regarding its poor environmental performance, the company was granted an Environmental Compliance Certificate to expand its mining activities. The legal battle among the firm and NGOs finally resulted in a rally, attracting around 1000 demonstrators of the Bataraza municipality. This social dissatisfaction was a result of the expectations of the local population being let down by the company. It was also directed towards the environmental bureaucracies.

In 2009, it was reported by the Ancestral Land/Domain Watch (ALDAW) and the Centre for Biocultural Diversity (CBCD) mission that the mining activities in Bulanjao mountain would damage the best conserved forest in southern Palawan, with adverse consequences for the food production of Indigenous Palawan and migrant farmers’ communities. The risk of landslides was very likely to increase, and the eco-tourism potential of this mountain would be jeopardized. Furthermore, some of the areas include sacred and worship sites regarded by the local Indigenous people as physical evidence of mythological events. The local inhabitants perceive their destruction as an obliteration of their history and collective memories. Certainly, their destruction cannot be compensated by monetary royalties. It was recommended that Rio Tuba Nickel Mining Corporation (RTNMC) and Coral Bay Nickel Corp (CBNC) should cease all mining activities in Bulanjao. They were to further comply with the provisions of the Mining Code, which ban mining development from key environmental zones and ancestral lands of Indigenous peoples, and with the IPRA law (Indigenous Peoples Rights Act). Also, they were to rehabilitate all damaged and eroded sites in the Bulanjao range.p. 55

Not only is capital international, but resistance can also become international. In 2012, Friends of the Earth Japan (FoE-Japan) and the Kalikasan People's Network for the Environment (Kalikasan PNE) reported that nickel mining operations were to be blamed for the contamination of the Palawan River system, poisoned with unsafe levels of cancer-causing chemicals. The groups presented findings from an environmental field study conducted near the Rio Tuba Nickel Mining Corporation's (RTNMC) mining operations and the Coral Bay Nickel Processing Plant's operation. The 2009 study revealed that present levels of hexavalent chromium (Cr-VI) exceeded safe levels in the Togupon River. Both mining and processing operations are financed and pursued in partnership with Japanese multinational corporations and institutions, such as Sumitomo, the Japan Bank for International Cooperation and the Nippon Export and Investment Insurance.

In 2015, the plan to expand operations in untouched forest areas of southern Palawan sparked a heated exchange between local officials, led by Governor Jose Chavez Alvarez, and environmental groups. The Governor, presiding over a meeting of the so-called PCSD to discuss the proposed expansion of Rio Tuba Nickel Mining Corp. into Mount Bolanjao in Bataraza, challenged the head of environmental group Palawan NGO Network Inc. (PNNI), Robert Chan, to a fistfight. Chan had written to the PCSD objecting to the reclassification of areas covered by the mining expansion plan. The letter, Chavez Alvarez claimed, was disrespectful to the PCSD.

In 2016, things seemed to move in a favourable direction when Secretary of the DENR Gina Lopez inspected the Rio Tuba mine. However, the mining firms were pleased when she was dismissed after a parliamentary hearing. In this same year, FoE Japan issued a statement on water quality: it has been analyzing the water quality in the communities surrounding the CBNP and the RTNMP since 2009. Findings of water quality analysis for these seven years have clearly shown that hexavalent chromium or Cr-(VI) in the Togupon River in this area has been exceeding “Environmental Quality Standards Concerning the Protection of the Human Health”. FoE Japan called for a joint investigation regarding water quality and effective mitigation measures against water contamination.

Tampakan Copper and Gold Glencore Project, at the Southern Tip of the Country 6

Militarization and killings are key ingredients of one of the largest mining areas in South East Asia for copper and gold. The Tampakan Copper-Gold Project, owned by Glencore Xstrata from Switzerland, the Australian Indophil, and the local subsidiary Sagittarius Mines Inc (SMI), is one of the largest copper-gold mines in Southeast Asia, after Grassberg in Western Papua belonging to Freeport-McMoRan and liable for terrible damage to human rights. It covers an area of around 10,000 ha in the municipalities of Malungon (Sarangani), Columbio (Sultan Kudarat), Tampakan (South Cotabato) and Kiblawan (Davao del Sur). The company targets to complete the mining of 375,000 tonnes of copper and 360,000 ounces of gold per annum, over a 17-year period.

The Tampakan project directly impacts watersheds, endangers food and water sources, around 3,000 hectares of forest, and ancestral domains that are sacred for local populations. An estimated 5,000 people, mostly Indigenous, are to be re-settled. The risks of pollution, erosion, siltation, flash floods, landslides, and other seismic geo-hazards are also high. Bla’an people and other Indigenous tribes have been protesting against the mining project. However, this militarization of the area resulted in the killing of anti-mining and Indigenous peoples’ p. 56leaders, and other violations of human rights. Juvy Capion and her sons were killed in 2012 in an operation mounted by the military in Sitio Alyong, against her husband, Daguel Capion, an Indigenous leader.

During the mandate of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (2001‒10) a governmental order was issued allowing police, military and paramilitary forces to defend investment projects that could be threatened by insurgents. It was the basis for the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed between SMI and the local governments that created the Special Forces KITACO, in 2008. This MoU legalized the entry of military and paramilitary forces into ancestral Bla’an territory accompanied by violations of human rights and the murder of tribal leaders. The KITACO forces were composed of private intelligence groups, and of personnel of the police and army of the Government of the Philippines. The militarization of the area obstructed the contestation to the project and hampered any possibility of a local regulation prohibiting open-pit mining. In 2012, the Department for Internal Affairs and the Justice Department issued an order adding to the incapacity of the National Commission for Indigenous Peoples to defend the rights of the Bla’an people.

Networks of resistance support the Bla’an people. The London Working Group on Mining in the Philippines, the Tampakan Forum and the Dioceses of Marbel, Digos, Kidapawan and Cotabato, aided in presenting such a position at the Office of the Presidency, in Congress, at the Department for Environment and Natural Resources, the National Commission for Indigenous Peoples and other governmental agencies and authorities. In 2013, the Commission for National Cultural Communities of the Congress carried out a Parliamentary Hearing assessing the violations of human rights and the consequences of the militarization. Efforts have been made to campaign at international level, including at the UN Human Rights Council and the UN Forum on Business and Human Rights, especially by Fastenopfer, Franciscans International and Europe-Center Third World. The company, indeed, blatantly violates the UN Declaration of Human Rights, the UN Declaration of Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the International Labour Organisation Convention 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples, as well as a whole array of national laws, including the Indigenous Peoples Law.

In a hearing that was held in Geneva in June 2014, the civil society Permanent People's Tribunal (PPT) listened to the testimonies of Rene Pamplona of the Social Action Centre Marbel, representing the Bla’an Indigenous peoples, and the Alyansa Tigil Mina. At the end of 2014, the PPT underlined how transnational corporations, including Glencore and its subsidiary in the Philippines SMI, violate human and peoples’ rights, and acknowledged the necessity to improve international legislation, including through a binding treaty on transnational corporations to hold them accountable for their actions. This “binding treaty” remains an illusion.

Nickel Again: Blockades and Armed Confrontation in Claver, Surigao del Norte against Shenzhou Mining and Taganito (Sumitomo) 7

Few royalties, few local jobs, but large environmental destruction: that is what Chinese nickel company Shenzhou Mining Corporation brought to the Indigenous communities of Claver, Surigao del Norte, in the north-eastern corner of Mindanao. This company was reported to be neither better nor worse than the others. From 2009 to 2013, it was the operating company of the 433 ha Mineral Production Sharing Agreement (MPSA), held by Claver Mineral Development Corporation (CMDC) since 1998. The company caused large environmental p. 57destruction within the ancestral domains of the Indigenous Mamanwa and Manobo tribes. Together with other companies, it operated its mines without proper siltation facilities, causing serious pollution of river and marine ecosystems, and damaging irreversibly mangroves and corals. Mining further destroyed sacred hills, prayer areas, hunting areas and burial grounds.

Map of Claver in Surigao del Norte (Wikimedia Commons, Mike Gonzalez, 2005).
Figure 3.2

Map of Claver in Surigao del Norte

Source:  Wikimedia Commons, Mike Gonzalez, 2005

The Natural Sciences Research Institute of the University of the Philippines (UP-NSRI) showed that levels of nickel in drinking water were 190 mg/l. Likewise, soil samples showed 12,400 mg/kg, while the maximum tolerable level was at 50 mg/kg. Residents claimed to suffer from difficulties in breathing, and exposure to heavy metals. Further, fish stocks, were negatively affected. In 2011 the tribal commission of Mindanao (TRICOM) filed a petition before the Supreme Court demanding a stop of the Shenzhou Corporation.

Moreover, the companies refused to pay the claimed royalties to the tribes. Under the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act of 1997 (IPRA), the Indigenous are entitled to a 1 per cent share of gross production if the mining site is located on their ancestral lands. The Mamanwas claimed payments amounting to around US$ 540,000. On January 2012, the National Commission on Indigenous People (NCIP) sent a letter to the company, ordering it to cease operations and sent official letters to the MGB, asking them to stop issuing permits to the company. However, the company continued mining. In response, in May 2012, 100 members of the Mamanwa tribe took over the mine site of Shenzhou Company. The Indigenous set up campsites and blockades were built to prevent staff from entering and exiting; Chinese company staff were held inside the taken mine. They wanted the company to completely leave the area, adhering to NCIP’S cease order. Here the valuation languages deployed were money compensation, Indigenous rights and indeed sovereignty, and environmental damage p. 58including risks to human health. A week later, soldiers and private security and members of the 132nd Regional Public Safety Company (RPSC) stormed the mining site, removing the tents and blockades of the protesters.

In July 2012, the MGB finally ordered the suspension of mining due to excessive siltation in the area. However, the company was alleged to have continued mining. In July 2013, the regional Court ordered Shenzhou Corporation to vacate the area and to post a small bond of around US$ 22,000 for whatever damages caused. This was a small victory for environmental justice. However, in 2014, CMDC signed a new Joint Venture Agreement (JVA) with another Chinese company, CCIL Mining and Mineral Resources Corporation (CCILMMRC), to continue exploiting the concession area.

******

The neighbouring and larger mine of Taganito (owned by Japanese interests) resorted to militarization, environmental destruction of Indigenous lands and unpaid royalties: these were the ingredients of Taganito Mining Corporation's (TMC) success. TMC was one of the largest nickel producers in the region, and had operated mines in the ancestral domains of the Mamanwa tribe since the 1960s. Conflicts intensified over unpaid royalties from a Mining Production Sharing Agreement (MPSA) for nickel ore exploration granted in 2008. In this context, in January 2009, a group from the Taganito Mamanwa Association set up a human barricade at the highway along Taganito, Claver. Following the barricades, TMC paid the royalties amounting to 51 million pesos, however only for 2006 and 2007. Furthermore, after a resolution of the National Council of Indigenous People (NCIP), TMC paid them to another tribe association, which had signed the Memorandum of Agreement with the company (MOA). This has caused division and conflicts between the different Indigenous groups.

By 2010, TMC continued to owe royalties, for which reason around 30 members of the Mamanwa tribes stormed TMC's mining site and torched mining equipment, including a bulldozer. In addition, TMC and five other mining companies active in the area were accused of heavy environmental contamination, extremely high levels of nickel in water and soil, siltation of rivers and marine ecosystems, as well as the destruction of sacred places of the Indigenous. Residents reported suffering from serious health problems and loss of fish stock. Therefore, in May 2011, the tribal commission of Mindanao (TRICOM) and other communities filed a petition before the Supreme Court demanding a stop of the active companies.

The conflict drastically intensified in October 2011, when 200 armed members of the New People Army attacked TMC and the Taganito HPAL processing plant in Claver town to punish and block their destructive activities, killing four guards, torching the mining equipment and taking hostage several mining officials. In parallel, another nearby mining company, Platinum Metals Group Corporation, was attacked the same day by NPA members. Subsequently, the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the mining companies entered into agreements of training and employing special militia. The proposal however was strongly rejected by environmental groups, as there is a record of human rights violations related to increased militarization.

In 2012, an assessment team led by the MGB visited the area. Despite documented evidence of environmental problems, TMC and other active companies were allowed to continue mining, as they presented plans of how to handle the environmental problems. TMC together with Japanese Mitsui & Co. Ltd, Japanese Sumitomo Metal Mining Corporation (SMM) and p. 59its Philippine subsidiary Taganito HPAL Nickel Corporation further constructed a 30,000 tons-a-year smelting plant in Taganito, starting in 2013. The plant is using a High Pressure Acid Leach (HPAL) technology. The smelting plant was reported to be a 1.7-billion-dollar project and loans were partly provided by the Japan Bank for International Cooperation.

In 2015, heavy environmental degradation of Claver municipality and social tensions surrounding the mining operations went on. However, the government seemed to evaluate only tax benefits. As reported in The New York Times, the Philippine mining town of “Claver is busy with bakeries, fruit stands, pool halls and karaoke bars. In the mountains nearby, bulldozers cling to treeless slopes, scooping out red soil and leaving gaping pits. On the horizon, cargo ships wait to bring nickel ore to China. Many here are afraid that none of this will last”. Therefore, the brief 2017 crackdown on mines, was really a shock. “In February 2017, Gina Lopez, the acting secretary of the environment, said she was shutting down the operations of 28 of the country's 41 mining companies. Those companies, which account for about half of Philippine nickel production, have been accused of leaving rivers, rice fields and watersheds stained red with nickel laterite”. However, Gina Lopez had to leave office and the industry came back to normal rates of extraction and export, normal pollution, and normal disregard for human rights. Nickel exports are in command, in the Philippines as in Indonesia and New Caledonia.

SOME BIOMASS CONFLICTS

Palm Oil Plantations in Palawan 8

“Biomass conflict” is the crude description in the EJAtlas for land conflicts caused by new plantations or by deforestation, and also by industrial fishing, agricultural pesticides and the like. Biomass conflicts are a good description, from a metabolic perspective, for the disruptions of flows of current photosynthesis. An example in the Philippines is the expansion of Oil Palm plantations, which is very visible.

Palawan preserves the largest contiguous forest block in the country. This isle in 1990 was declared “Man and Biosphere Reserve” by UNESCO. However, mining projects and oil palm plantations pose a threat to the environment and local communities. At national level, the DENR planned the conversion of 15,000–20,000 ha into oil palm plantations through private initiatives with the objective of reducing the dependence on imports and modernizing the agricultural sector. Since 2003, the Provincial Government of Palawan promoted this agrobusiness. The project in South Palawan is mainly operated by two companies: Palawan Palm & Vegetable Oil Mills, Inc. (60 per cent Singaporean and 40 per cent Filipino-owned), and Agumil Philippines, Inc. (75 per cent Filipino-owned and 25 per cent Malaysian). Their parent company is Malaysian Agusan Plantations Inc. Also, in recent years, a construction company, Cavite Ideal International Construction and Development Corporation, is becoming a land grabber. Until 2015, about 6,000 ha of land had already been converted into oil palm plantations in South Palawan.

Local organizations diagnosed many evils coming from plantations: the collapse of family-based economies, disappearance of non-timber forest products (NTFPs) on which the local economy relied, loss of agricultural land and crop diversity, loss of traditional swidden practices, decreased food security, limitations of free movement to reach upland fields and p. 60forests, exponential increase of pests over the traditional coconut crops, loss of biodiversity and medicinal plants, increment of flash floods, depletion of plantation soils, pollution of river sources and health hazards caused by chemicals used in plantations. All these impacts were not compensated for. Affected communities claimed that the Palawan Council for Sustainable Development (PCSD) was not assuming its role of monitoring the projects’ socio-ecological impacts, and that Indigenous peoples had not given the necessary prior informed consent over their ancestral land. In addition, farmers engaged by contracts with companies raised complaints about the unfair conditions and the lack of transparency in the agreements.

The opposition was led by local Indigenous organization ALDAW (Ancestral Land/Domain Watch) since 2009 and supported by other advocacy groups from the Philippines and abroad. Affected communities submitted in 2014 a petition for a moratorium on oil palm expansion, filed affidavits against plantations by local communities, campaigned to pressure UNESCO to preserve the island, collected audio-visual evidence on oil palm expansion, published reports, did international online petitions and created other awareness campaigns. Indigenous people and traditional farmers formed the Coalition Against Land Grabbing (CALG). This is a case where concern for local livelihoods goes together with concern for conservation of nature.

Logging, Deforestation and Militarized Conservation 9

In Palawan, illegal logging and deforestation are leading to murders of forest protectors and to calls for the “militarization of conservation”. Deforestation by business or by local people takes place in Palawan and forest protection agents are encouraged to use violence against “timber poachers”, while environmental NGOs such as Kalikasan do not approve of this “militarization of conservation”. A difference must be traced between swidden cultivators cutting some trees and corporate deforestation. However, the truth is that forest guards are sometimes attacked by common people.

Palawan hosts most of the country's established national parks and protected areas. There is an influx of migrants to this commodity extraction frontier with resources available for exploitation, who have displaced Indigenous groups that historically occupied the island. Ruben Arzaga was one of the recent forest defenders who was murdered, shot in the head in September 2017 as he tried to approach illegal loggers. He was an environmental “para-enforcer” in the Palawan NGO Network Inc. (PNNI, created by Bobby Chan, an environmental lawyer). Ruben Arzaga's killing was the second attack on forest protection officers by illegal loggers and “timber poachers” in three weeks. In August 2017, Lito Eyala, a forester from the DENR, was shot by a suspected timber poacher while he and his team apprehended suspected timber poachers and confiscated an unregistered chainsaw in Bacungan. The owner of the chainsaw retaliated by firing a homemade gun that hit Eyala in the back and wounded him.

In September 2017, after Arzaga's murder, authorities apprehended two suspects in the killing. Allegedly, both suspects had a grudge against Arzaga, who had apprehended illegally cut lumber from them on several occasions. This case is controversial. On the one hand, Arzaga was an elected village captain in Palawan's tourist town of El Nido and had been trying to confiscate illegally cut timber as part of a crusade to stop rampant deforestation. It was reported that Environment Secretary Roy Cimatu, a former chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), had started mulling over the possibility of arming environmental patrollers with guns, in a show of “militarization of conservation”. In a statement, Cimatu revealed p. 61that the DENR would ask the military and the police to train foresters in security protocols and the use of firearms.

The EJO Kalikasan disputed Cimatu's (and also Bobby Chan’s) view. For the Philippines as a whole, Global Witness had indeed reported a total of 144 cases of environmental activists’ killings since 2002, but “most murders were linked to mining, coal and extractive industries, whilst half of those killed were indigenous people”. Deforestation by local people was in any case only one of the threats to the environment. Kalikasan said that in its own count, under the Duterte administration – from June 2016 to September 2017 – there had already been at least 23 environment-related killings. “Most of the victims, or 70%, were indigenous peoples and peasants, while 78% of the reported incidents involved communities and organizations opposing large-scale mining and agricultural plantation projects”. 10 Kalikasan held businesses and the state responsible for these killings.

For this reason, the Kalikasan rejected Cimatu's proposal to arm forest guards. Instead, it urged their number should be increased and their salaries augmented. Kalikasan recognized the need to stop deforestation in Palawan, whether caused by business or by local people. In this proposal for “convivial conservation” Kalikasan joined the Coalition against Land Grabbing (CALG) and United Tribes of Palawan, which on 28 April 2015 said that recent years had seen an exponential increase in land deals across the Philippines. Meanwhile, traditional upland farming practices implemented through swidden technology are demonized and antagonized through restrictive legislation, despite the fact that they foster local self-sufficiency in the livelihoods and worldviews of Indigenous societies.

In summary, Palawan was not spared from massive investments in extractive resources and industrial agriculture, especially oil palm and rubber. And yet, Indigenous peoples and upland dwellers continued to be blamed for causing massive deforestation and ecological disaster.

SAVE PULANGI RIVER ALLIANCE IN BUKIDNON, MINDANAO 11

In March 2018, it was announced that First Bukidnon Electric Cooperative Inc. (FIBECO) and Pulangi Hydro Power Corp. (PHPC) signed an MoU to begin construction of the 250-MW Pulangi 5th hydropower plant in Bukidnon province in Mindanao. Six years earlier, on 13 May 2012, the environmental group Kalikasan – People's Network for the Environment (PNE) ‒ condemned the killing by an unidentified gunman of an environmental activist in south Bukidnon, Margarito Cabal, leader of Task Force Save Pulangi, who campaigned against the construction of the hydroelectric dam in Pulangi River.

Cabal was a government employee for the mayor's office and his son, Marjolie, told HRW that prior to his father's killing, the military's 8th Infantry Battalion in nearby Maramag town had summoned Cabal on suspicion that he was working for the NPA. The general secretary of the Save Pulangi Movement, a tribal leader named Datu Petronilo Cabungcal, said that the area has been the subject of military operations. The military engaged in “red-tagging” of environmentalists. “We are just fighting for our land, our livelihood that is threatened by this project. Why would that make us communists?”, he said.

Clemente Bautista, national coordinator of Kalikasan-PNE, said at the time that Cabal was the thirteenth environmental activist killed under the Aquino administration. Nine of these thirteen cases of killing of environmental activists under Aquino occurred in Mindanao. “Government policies on protecting foreign investments and engaging in counter-insurgency p. 62are overlapping exactly because both are meant to undermine oppositions to these dirty projects”, said Bautista. Peasant leader Jose Doton and Indigenous Dumagat leader Nicanor De los Santos were tagged as communist supporters or NPA members before they were killed. In most of these killings, military forces and agents were the suspected perpetrators. Doton and De los Santos were shot dead in 2006 and 2001, respectively. Clemente Bautista added that killings are “a result of intensifying militarization under the anti-insurgency Oplan Bayanihan of the Aquino administration. It is implemented particularly in areas where there is a huge corporate investment to exploit our natural resources”.

In the Philippines, where under both presidents Aquino and Duterte there has been such a terrible toll of environmental defenders killed, there are continuous movements against mining and also hydropower projects, sometimes using the slogan “Damn the Dams”. The Pulangi River is the longest river in Bukidnon. It is one of the major tributaries of the Rio Grande de Mindanao. It has a length of 320 km and traverses through municipalities of Bukidnon. The 5th Hydroelectric Dam is expected to generate about 300 megawatts of so-called renewable energy for Mindanao. The dam implies flooding 3,300 ha of mostly highly sloping lands along the riverbank in 22 barangays. An estimated 1,060 households will be affected. Opposition to the project claimed that the project would brutally submerge the burial site of Apo Mamalu, a revered ancestor of the Manobo Indigenous people in Mindanao, with both livelihood and sacredness value. In March 2017, it was reported that Chinese finance would become available for the Pulangi 5th hydropower project.

SMOKEY MOUNTAIN AND PAYATAS DUMPSITES, MANILA 12

The industrial economy is entropic, it is not circular at all. It has a hunger for fossil fuels and other exhaustible inputs such as metals. It even destroys the renewable, permanent “funds” such as the forests and fisheries which directly depend on current sun energy for their maintenance. It also produces waste, gaseous, liquid or solid. The solid waste is incinerated (leaving behind toxic ashes) or it is dumped in legal or illegal landfills. Recyclers or waste-pickers try to make a difficult living out of such waste. So, the principles of ecological economics have a manifestation in the toughest places in the world. “Smokey Mountain” was a fishing village in the 1960s, before it became a dumping ground for four decades and a source of precarious livelihoods for thousands of people. The first conflict was initiated when the mountain was closed by the government due to its gaining international infamy in 1995. With the bulldozing of residents’ houses, the local community was left with neither land nor employable skills. Their only option was to follow the trash trail, which in turn caused the creation of Payatas, also known as Smokey Mountain 2, and of other landfills.

The Payatas rubbish dump collapsed in 2000. The avalanche of rubbish and mud swept away the flimsy wooden homes of scavengers who worked on the dump, killing 500 people. Stronger regulations were enforced whereby a licence was required to be a scavenger, and children were banned from the site. Legislation, albeit comprehensive, was too idealistic. For example, the goal to convert open dumps into sanitary landfills (Republic Act No. 9003) was only achieved in 5 to 10 per cent of the cases. The government started talks to introduce a system of burning waste to generate electricity for local residents. This would drive scavengers further down into poverty, not to mention the toxic health risks for the local community associated with the incineration of plastic.p. 63

The privatized initiative to transform waste into electricity using the scavengers as recycling entrepreneurs was slowly burgeoning. Although it's an environmentally friendly short-term solution, local environmental groups such as Greenpeace Philippines pointed out that this encourages irresponsible dumping of all waste and does not provide long-term, sustainable solutions that aim at waste reduction. The solution lies in improving the livelihood of thousands of people by upskilling them so they do not rely unprotected on the hazardous occupation of scavenging and recycling waste. These are worldwide issues. In 2019, on the occasion of the Global Waste Picker Day (March 1st), a research group on Informal Recyclers (led by Federico Demaria) in collaboration with the EJAtlas, the Global Alliance of Waste Pickers and WIEGO released a thematic map of socio-environmental conflicts in the Global South related to informal recyclers. 13

THE BATAAN NUCLEAR POWER PLANT: A HAPPY ENDING? 14

The Bataan Nuclear Power Plant (BNNP) was built in 1984 but has never been operational because of decades of activism and political engagement. After the 1973 world oil crisis, the Philippines began looking to nuclear power as a source of domestic energy. This led to an anti-nuclear movement throughout the late 1970s and 1980s to stop the construction of nuclear facilities and rid the country of US military bases, possibly housing nuclear weapons. In 1976, during dictator Ferdinand Marcos’ martial law, the Pittsburgh, USA-owned Westinghouse Electric Corporation won a US$ 2.34 billion contract, pushed by “special sales representative” Herminio Disini, to build the 620-MW plant. This was a case of corruption. Interest on loans taken out by the government to finance the project later amounted to US$ 300,000 a day. The Nuclear Free Philippines Coalition (NFPC), Nuclear-Free Bataan (sister organization to Gloria Capitan's Coal-Free Bataan), No Nukes Philippines, and other groups began mobilizing in January 1981, gathering environmental activists in a nationwide campaign combining lobbying, protesting, media and international solidarity to stop the construction and operation of the BNPP. The BNPP, 100 km west of Manila, was dangerous for its location close to a volcano and in an active earthquake zone (Figure 3.3).

Bikers for clean energy say no to proposed BNPP revival, with banner "No Nukes" (Bulatlat, Kalikasan – People's Network for the Environment).
Figure 3.3

Bikers for clean energy say no to proposed BNPP revival, with banner “No To Nukes”

Source:  Bulatlat, Kalikasan – People's Network for the Environment

On 26 October 1983, 500 protesters marched from the University of the Philippines to the US Embassy in Manila, culminating in a public conference warning against nuclear power. In June 1984, approximately 2,000 activists rallied in front of the Embassy while burning an effigy of Uncle Sam. In June 1985, over 33,000 people including members of 22 anti-nuclear organizations performed a protest, march and strike for three days in Balanga, the capital of Bataan. This huge demonstration forced attention to the issue. In September after a two-day protest, the military and police authorities suspiciously reported that the New People's Army (Communist party) killed seven activists. There is no corroboration of this; it might have been “red-tagging”.

By 1986, the first nuclear facility in Southeast Asia was almost ready to begin. Yet in February 1986 there was a revolution toppling the dictatorship. Corazon Aquino was elected president in April 1986, basing her campaign on promises to scrap the nuclear project as a corruption issue. Corazon Aquino had alleged that Westinghouse bribed Marcos for the contract when it initially lost the bid. Disini was also funnelling US$ 40‒80 million from the commission. Moreover, on 26 April 1986 the Chornobyl accident happened. Immediately upon assuming office, Aquino disbanded Marcos’ energy programme and suspended the NPP's p. 64operation. Yet electricity is often shut off for eight to ten hours daily across Manila and many in Congress criticized Aquino for spending as much as US$ 30 million in the fight against Westinghouse. However, after many years of stalling, Westinghouse was later acquitted for its criminal allegations on 14 July 1993. The courts also found insufficient evidence to charge Disini.

In 1991, the anti-nuclear movement successfully convinced the Philippine Senate to remove US military facilities that left behind tons of toxic waste. Since 2009 the government has reopened the NPP as a tourist museum where guests learn about nuclear energy. Tours of the plant are booked months ahead, especially popular among Japanese tourists.

Reactivation concerns are still active, however, and Nuclear-Free Bataan (NFB Net) kept advocating to get rid of it completely through events such as protests, prayer rallies and bike rides. In retaliation to their advocacy, on 26‒27 June 2009, Aurora Broquil, Francisco Honra and Emily Fajardo, leaders in the NFB Net, were stalked and received death threats through text messages, stating “The barrel of our guns will be the last thing that you will see! You, communists, who have blood debts with the Filipino people, will pay for it!”

In 2011, government efforts to restart the nuclear plant were suspended in the wake of the Fukushima disaster. Protestors from NFB and local religious groups rallied outside of the BNPP on March 2011, urging the President to dismantle the plant, wearing “death masks”, burning a replica of the plant and blocking the entrance. Yet as of 2020, the energy minister proposed a formal executive order to the President's Office to include nuclear power in the country's energy mix. Foreign suppliers of equipment from the US, Japan, France and South Korea have already expressed interest in investing in the Philippines’ nuclear power sector. The DoE also signed a memorandum of understanding with Russia's state-owned Rosatom for p. 65a pre-feasibility study on the construction of nuclear power plants in the country. Opposition to reviving Manila's nuclear ambitions remains strong, with advocates citing a reliance on imported uranium, high waste and decommissioning costs, as well as safety concerns. Better an eco-tourist museum than a Fukushima Daiichi.

CONCLUSION: RED-TAGGING AND ENVIRONMENTAL RESISTANCE

Thirty years ago, Robin Broad and John Cavanagh published an excellent text in political ecology: Plundering Paradise. The Struggle for the Environment in the Philippines. “As recently as 1900, lush tropical rainforests carpeted most of the Philippine archipelago. At the current rate of deforestation, however, the country will enter the twenty-first century a barren landscape, with nearly all of its rainforests destroyed”. The main issue considered in their book was deforestation, including destruction of mangroves for shrimp farming. Metal mining and palm oil plantations were not yet featured to the extent that they appear in the EJAtlas and other sources. A new book could be written only on the Philippines, with emphasis on the killing of Indigenous environmentalists (Tran 2023). The repression, the victims and the “red-tagging” belong to the world movement against environmental injustices. The conflicts described are systemic. This becomes evident when you have a look at the commodities involved and their role in the world's social metabolism, at the well-known names of many of the companies, at the typical disputes on the EIAs and the variety of valuation languages displayed, at the participants and their forms of mobilization (including Indigenous people, local and international EJOs), and at the international attempts to secure respect for human rights. There are ancestral values placed on sacred hills, prayer areas, hunting areas and burial grounds destroyed by corporate mining or other investments. The bishops are clearly influenced by Liberation Theology. There are active movements for climate justice and for reparations for the social and ecological debt from North to South, intellectually reinforced by the Encyclical Laudato si.

In 50 of the 87 cases of environmental conflict in the Philippines recorded in the EJAtlas by October 2022, one of the social actors involved are religious groups, while in 65 cases Indigenous groups or traditional communities are involved. Of course, neighbours and citizens are also numerous. The share of Indigenous peoples in the Philippines is estimated at between 10 and 20 per cent of the population. The Philippines has adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples but nevertheless has not yet ratified ILO Convention 169.

Even the dismissal of well-meaning Minister for the Environment Gina Lopez in 2017 reminds us of similar events elsewhere: the resignation of Marina Silva from President Lula's government in Brazil or of Victor Toledo from President Lopez Obrador's in Mexico.

Comparing Japan to the Philippines, in 2019 Japan had an income per capita and year (PPP) of US$ 40,000, while the Philippines reached around 9,000. Japan has a stable or declining population of about 125 million people, and the Philippines is still growing at 110 million but with decreasing fertility. In Japan, the carbon dioxide per capita emissions per year were 9.5 tons in 2019, and in the Philippines of 1.4 tons. If all citizens of the world had the per capita emissions of the average Filipino, there would not yet be an enhanced greenhouse effect because CO2 emissions would be absorbed by oceans and new vegetation into the carbon p. 66cycle, with no permanent dumping of the excessive amount into the atmosphere. On the contrary, if the average emissions per capita of Japan (or the EU, or the USA) went down to the world average, the necessary reduction at present would not have to be so drastic. Therefore, in some ways the Philippines is environmentally a better country than Japan. However, in the Philippines, the EJAtlas records that in 40 of the 87 conflicts registered there were one or more environmental defenders killed, while in Japan there was one death of an environmental defender in only one conflict out of 43. We have also seen the strong participation of women in many conflicts in the Philippines, and sadly the deaths of Teresita Navacilla, Juvy Capion (and her sons), Cheryl Ananayo and some other women (Tran 2023). The count continues in Chapter 4 with Gloria Capitan.

The companies present in the Philippines are often well-known transnationals, particularly in metal mining conflicts but also in palm oil plantations. There are some Chinese companies, and certainly Philippine companies such as San Miguel. International solidarity against corporations is one of the topics that can be researched. Here, we have noticed solidarity inside the confederation of Friends of the Earth and by international Human Rights groups.

In the forms of mobilization, there is the usual abundance of letter writing to the authorities, the disputes on the EIAs, perhaps less recourse to litigation in the courts than in other countries, street marches, some direct actions and some armed violence from the side of the people (and a lot of violence against the people). There is often the allegation that the state practises “red-tagging”, blaming the environmentalists for militancy in communist organizations. And certainly, there are communist militants who take sides in favour of the environmentalism of the poor and the Indigenous. Internationally, there is support in civil society in the Philippines for a binding treaty on transnational corporations to hold them accountable for their actions. This treaty is an idea supported by a few governments. It coincides with a proposal for another treaty, this one against the proliferation of fossil fuels.

Notes

1

Didipio Gold and Copper mine, Nueva Vizcaya, Philippines (Arnim Scheidel), EJAtlas.

2

King-King copper and gold mine in Pantukan, Compostela, Mindanao, Philippines, EJAtlas.

3

Cagayan black sand mining in shore areas, Luzon, Philippines (Alyansa Tigil Mina), EJAtlas.

4

Ipilan and MacroAsia nickel mines in Brooke's point, Palawan, Philippines (Sofia Mingorria and Joan Martinez-Alier).

5

Rio Tuba and Coral Bay nickel mining and processing in Palawan, Philippines (Master Gestión Integrada de Aguas ‒ Asignatura ‘Ecología Política del Agua’ and Joan Martinez-Alier), EJAtlas.

6

Glencore Xstrata Tampakan Copper-Gold Project in South Cotabato, Philippines (Alyansa Tigil Mina), EJAtlas.

Permanent Peoples Tribunal Hearing on Corporate Human Rights Violations and Peoples Access to Justice, EJAtlas.

7

Shenzhou Mining / Claver Mineral Development Corporation Nickel mining in Claver, Philippines (Arnim Scheidel), EJAtlas.

Taganito Mining Corporation's Nickel Operations, Surigao del Norte, Philippines (Arnim Scheidel), EJAtlas.

8

Palawan Oil Palm Plantations and Land Grabbing, Philippines (Andreia Francés Silva & Master Gestión Fluvial Sostenible y Gestión Integrada de Aguas), EJAtlas.

9

Combating deforestation in Palawan, Philippines (Joan Martinez-Alier), EJAtlas.

10

Gamil, J. T. (2017). DENR mulls arming forest rangers. Inquirer.net, 30 September. https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/934516/denr-roy-cimatu-arming-forest-rangers.p. 67

11

Save Pulangi Alliance, Bukidnon province, Mindanao, Philippines (Joan Martinez-Alier), EJAtlas.

12

Smokey Mountain and Payatas dumpsites, Manila, Philippines (Taran Arjun Dasani, Juan Miguel Verdadero and Gabriel Weber), EJAtlas.

13

Waste pickers under threat. New waste management policies undermine the informal recycling sector in the Global South, EJAtlas.

14

Bataan Nuclear Power Plant in Morong, Philippines (Dalena Tran), EJAtlas.

Albor, T. (1993). Philippines takes on US corporate giant, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 July.

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