This chapter looks at norms translation processes in the field of domestic violence. Using data from five countries of Central Eastern Europe (CEE)—Bulgaria, Croatia, Hungary, Poland and Romania—it proposes a multi-pronged cross-directional international influence model that challenges traditional top-down understandings of international influence. The author argues that international influence is not direct, linear and top-down but constructed and negotiated in processes of interaction between international actors and domestic agents, where translation processes influence the direction of policy change. International influence provides content to reforms through defining, communicating and monitoring norms, and through facilitating the production of evidence for domestic violence as a policy problem. In order to understand the nature of international influence, we have to look beyond norms transfer at two additional mechanisms through which it impacts domestic policy processes. First, international influence can create ‘political opportunities’ to enable domestic mobilization for policy change. Second, domestic agents are key in the translation of international norms. Enabling such agency becomes critical in processes of norms translation. The chapter shows how international influence understood along these lines contributes to the variation in policy progress achieved in different contexts.
Andrea Krizsán and Birte Siim
This chapter addresses the divergence and convergence of the framings of gender equality in nationalist and nativist discourses in the 2014 EP elections. It compares how representatives of populist radical-right (PRR) parties in Croatia, Denmark, Germany, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands and Spain, frame gender equality and family issues in relation to migration and mobility in their electoral campaigns for the EP and during the first months of the 2014–18 parliamentary cycle. Gender and family issues are part of the programmes, campaigns and statements of the populist radical right, less prominently in the Nordic countries but quite centrally in the East, Central and Southern European countries as well as Germany. The analysis shows how rather than using similar gender and family frames, gender and family issues are instrumentalized to serve various exclusive forms of nationalism, anti-colonialist claims, or nationalist demographic sustainability arguments.