Martin Heidenreich and Deborah Rice
Martin Heidenreich and Deborah Rice
Chapter 2 (authored by Martin Heidenreich and Deborah Rice) lays the analytical groundwork for the empirical chapters in the book. The chapter focuses on the organizational challenges associated with the integrated delivery of employment and social services at the local level, and discusses how the fragmentation of services between the local, regional, national and European level (vertical fragmentation), between public actors, private companies and third-sector organizations, and between policy areas such as employment, social assistance, family, health, housing (horizontal fragmentation) manifests itself and can be overcome (e.g. via central reorganization, one-stop shops or decentralized collaboration in the case of horizontal fragmentation, or by the decentralization of competencies or local discretion in the case of vertical fragmentation). Also a broad overview of multilevel, multidimensional and multi-stakeholder activation governance arrangements in the six European countries studied in this book (the UK, Italy, Sweden, Germany, Poland and France) is given. The final part of Chapter 2 turns to inner-organizational factors that either enable or hinder the provision of coordinated and individualized employment and social services at street level, namely service budgets and staff resources, client-processing procedures and categorization tools, and professional norms.
Active Inclusion and Challenges for Local Welfare Governance
Edited by Martin Heidenreich and Deborah Rice
A central goal of European activation policies is to integrate social and employment policies into a coherent active inclusion approach that fosters social cohesion and enhances the employment chances of vulnerable groups. This requires a reorganisation of social and employment services especially at the local level. On the basis of empirical studies of six European welfare states, this book explores how different institutional contexts influence localised service delivery and how local actors deal with the associated coordination challenges.
Martin Heidenreich and Jannika Mattes
Jannika Mattes and Martin Heidenreich
In this introductory chapter, Martin Heidenreich distinguishes three different forms of conceiving the Europeanization of social inequalities: firstly, due to the growing importance of Europe, national patterns of inequality are analysed and compared in a European context (international perspective); secondly, the dynamics of social inequalities in Europe are explained by an increasingly supranational regulation of the European economies and societies; and, thirdly, Europe might be characterized by the increasingly transnational standards of equality and frames of reference. Empirically, the rearrangement of social inequalities in the EU and especially in the eurozone can be summarized on the basis of the following chapters in five theses: (1) polarization of European labour markets; (2) restructuring of the European centre-periphery relations due to the relative decline of Southern Europe and the continuing convergence of Eastern and Western Europe; (3) increasing national employment, income and health inequalities; (4) subjective Europeanization of inequalities; and (5) the impact of the EU on social inequalities. The outcome is a double dualization of social inequalities both between different European countries and between different social groups. On the one hand, the eurozone crisis has contributed to an increasing dualization of life chances, especially between Northern and Southern European. On the other hand, life chances are diverging between younger and older, migrant and native, male and female and high- and low-skilled employees.
Social inequalities can no longer be analysed only in a national context. They are increasingly generated, regulated and perceived at the European level. As a contribution to the emerging sociology of European integration, an international, a supranational and a transnational understanding of the Europeanization of income inequalities is discussed in this article. When Europe is conceived of as an international arena, the patterns and dynamics of inequalities within and between European countries are analysed. When the EU is conceived of as a supranational order, the impact of European decisions and regulations on national patterns of inequality and individual living situations come to the fore. When Europe is understood as a transnational social field, the attention is focused on the growing European interdependence of economic and social relations. Taking the example of income inequalities, the Europeanization of income inequality before and during the current eurozone crisis is analysed in these three perspectives on the basis of EU-SILC data for the period 2005–2012, using multi-level modelling. Firstly, it can be shown that the move towards increasing national income inequalities and the European-wide convergence of income levels has at least temporarily come to an halt. Secondly, national and regional patterns of income inequality are not only shaped by national and regional economic and labour market structures and national institutions, but also by the growing economic integration at the European level. Thirdly, the subjective perception of economic stress is not only evaluated in a national space but also in a transnational space. The perception of economic stress is not only shaped by individual living conditions and national contexts, but also by the transnational income position of the respondents. The European level thus contributes to a better understanding of the dynamics of within- and between-national inequality, of the determinants of inequality patterns and of the subjective perception of inequality.
This article discusses the changing social distribution of unemployment and long-term unemployment risks during the current financial and economic crisis. These risks are interpreted as the result of three different, overlapping forms of labour market segmentation: firstly, the institutionally stabilized polarization between labour market insiders and outsiders; secondly, the occupational dualization of high- and low-skilled employees and occupations; and, thirdly, the marginalization of disadvantaged social groups. On the basis of EU-SILC data for 24 European countries (2005–2012), it can be shown that (long-term) unemployment risks increase especially for low-skilled persons and occupations, single parents, migrants and ill people. Women, older and permanently employed people are relatively less affected by short-term unemployment but more affected by long-term unemployment. Hence, the current crisis strengthens the occupational and social dualization of labour markets, endangering the inclusiveness and long-term growth potential of the European economy and societies.
The financial, economic and sovereign debt crisis has also had major effects on the employment and earnings conditions of women. On the basis of macro- and micro-data, this chapter discusses whether this crisis and the austerity policies in the countries most affected by the crisis have had a negative effect on the employment and wage conditions of women (austerity), whether the inclusion of women in the labour market has continued and whether the dualization of the labour markets has also affected the employment and earnings situation of women and in which dimensions. These three questions are discussed on the basis of aggregated and micro-data on the employment and remuneration opportunities of women in Europe. The austerity hypothesis can be generally refuted. Secondly, during the crisis, the shift towards more inclusive employment patterns has continued. The gender gaps in employment and unemployment rates have continued to shrink, especially in Southern European countries, which have been the bulwark of the male breadwinner model in Europe. Particularly during the crisis, high unemployment rates have contributed to the erosion of traditional gender relations. Thirdly, the employment profiles of women clearly differ from their male counterparts. Employed women are generally more highly qualified, mostly employed in the service sector and are overrepresented in atypical and low-paid jobs. This highlights a particular dualized form of labour market inclusion of women. On the one hand, high-skilled women with flexible, often part-time jobs tend to be employed in educational, administrative or social services. On the other hand, younger, less skilled women with young children are frequently employed in trade, hotels or food processing where they have to accept low pay. This indicates a particular pattern of labour market inclusion which is based on a dualization between low- and high-skilled women: some women are the winners of the eurozone crisis while others are the losers, and also indicates the continuing inclusion of women in the labour market.