Paul J. Smith
The US ‘rebalance to Asia’ policy announced in 2012 reflects a steady deterioration in US–China relations and the growing reality of a ‘security dilemma’ dynamic between Washington and Beijing. To understand the current trajectory and evolution of US–China relations, it is helpful to view the overall relationship in terms of three key phases: (1) hostility phase (1949–69); (2) rapprochement and convergent interests phase (1970–89); and (3) bifurcation phase (1990–present), featuring warm and robust social and economic relations juxtaposed with cold and hostile security relations. The third phase is most dangerous because the achievements that are perceived in the two countries’ cooperative social and economic relations obscure the insidious deterioration of the two countries’ security relationship. Thus, the military and security realm remains the weakest link in the overall Beijing–Washington comprehensive relationship and, moreover, could be the source of major conflict in the years or decades ahead. In order to avoid any major bilateral rupture, the United States and China must find ways to build strategic trust and to focus on long-term security challenges in which both countries share common interests.
Paul J. Smith
U.S. arms exports are a key element of U.S. foreign policy. Such exports advance U.S. national interests in at least 3 major areas (1) the tendency of such exports to promote military interoperability and to improve defense capacity among allies; (2) the propensity for such exports to solidify political relationships with countries that advance U.S. geopolitical goals; and (3) the economic advantages that accrue from such exports, particularly as they facilitate maintenance of America's defense industrial base. Two major mechanisms for U.S. arms exports are Foreign Military Sales (FMS) and Direct Commercial Sales (DCS). In addition to exploring the U.S. legal regime associated with arms transfers, the chapter examines the issue in the context of specific countries or political entities, namely Saudi Arabia, India, Turkey, Afghanistan and Taiwan.
Paul J. Smith
The ascendancy of Donald J. Trump to the office of President of the United States has led many to speculate about the future of U.S. strategy toward the Asia-Pacific. As a candidate, Mr. Trump made a number of statements suggesting a dramatic break with past policies. However, upon assuming office and notwithstanding his immediate rejection of the proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement, Trump appeared to favor a more traditional and internationalist approach to foreign policy, particularly with his appointments of James Mattis and Rex Tillerson to head the Defense and State Departments respectively. However, it would be a mistake to assume that President Trump’s attitude toward international relations will automatically align with that of previous administrations. As an unconventional political leader, Trump will likely bring both continuities and discontinuities in his approach to the Asia-Pacific and to the alliance relationships that the U.S. has maintained for more than six decades.
Paul C. Smith and Paul E. Voigt
Paul L. Robertson and Keith Smith
Kristina S. Dahmann, Lara B. Fowler and Paul M. Smith
Anya Diekmann, Melanie Kay Smith and Jean-Paul Ceron
In the last 20 years, all over Europe funding schemes for thermal therapies have been cut or strongly reduced leaving spa destinations without their traditional clientele. In order to ‘survive’, spas and spa towns in Europe had to develop new schemes focusing on new target groups and closely linked to the growing culture of wellness. Up to now relatively little research has analysed in-depth these transformations from welfare to wellness policies. The chapter looks into how this transition is taking place across a number of countries in both Western and Eastern Europe highlighting many of the main challenges.
Adele Smith, Paul A. Ryan and Natasha Evers
The born global network for rapid internationalization represents a ‘black box’ as is reflected by the limited studies on the importance of intermediary actors and network nodes in their internationalization process. To address this research gap this study contributes to born global network theory in that it investigates the international network for a defined population of Irish indigenous born globals operating in the highly globalized digital animation industry. Given the small domestic market and breadth of global product sourcing within this industry, the indigenous Irish digital animation firms must, from inception, quickly access customers in the international arena if they wish to survive and prosper. This chapter addresses two research questions: (1) how do network intermediaries influence the internationalization of born globals in the digital animation industry? (2) How do network nodes influence the internationalization process of born globals in the digital animation industry? The study takes a ‘microscopic view’ into the network mechanics in the born global network, intermediary by intermediary, node by node, to open the black box of the born global network and identify the elements that compose the network and plug the structural holes between producer and buyer in the digital animation global marketplace. It finds that the principal intermediaries in the digital animators’ international network are institutional bodies such as the government enterprise agency and, even more so, the national industry trade association and the entrepreneurs’ personal social capital from prior training and work relationships. The foremost network nodes are the industry’s international tradeshows wherein firms pitch their produce and business is cemented or nurtured. Agents inside the industry play an important but fleeting role. Despite the burgeoning growth of social media such as Twitter and Facebook, physical venues continue to serve as the most important sites for interaction between buyers and sellers in this international network.