Poor Leadership and Bad Governance
Show Less

Poor Leadership and Bad Governance

Reassessing Presidents and Prime Ministers in North America, Europe and Japan

Edited by Ludger Helms

Focusing on the presidents and prime ministers of the G8 – the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, Russia and Japan – it explores the complex relationship between weak and ineffective leadership, undemocratic leadership techniques, and bad policies from a broad comparative perspective. What makes leaders weak or bad in different contexts? What are the consequences of their actions and behaviour? And has there been any learning from negative experience? These questions are at the centre of this fascinating joint inquiry that involves a team of truly distinguished leadership scholars.
Buy Book in Print
Show Summary Details
You do not have access to this content

Chapter 7: Italy: Goodness, Badness, and the Trajectories of Mediocrity

Gianfranco Pasquino


Gianfranco Pasquino Any analysis of political leadership in post-war Italy has to start with an important note of caution. After the experience with Fascism and Mussolini’s rule, Italy’s political and social elites were governed by a widespread preoccupation with the possible re-appearance of strong personal leadership. This explains why those politicians and parliamentarians who participated in the activities of the Constituent Assembly (June 1946 to December 1947) decided that the President of the Council of Ministers1 should have a rather weak role and that his institutional powers were to remain quite limited (a primus inter pares). This ‘complex of the tyrant’ alone, however, cannot fully explain the constitutional parameters of the Italian premiership. There also seems to have been some ‘constitutional diffusion’ at work. Just a few months before the inception of the Italian Republic, the French constitution-makers had created their Fourth Republic, the arrangements of which – including the assignment of strictly limited powers to their prime minister – became known to their Italian counterparts immediately, and almost certainly influenced them in their constitutional choices. Apart from the constitutional parameters of the office, there is another, possibly even more important, reason why Italian heads of government have rarely become powerful political leaders, and this additional reason relates to the political culture of the two most important parties: the Christian Democrats and the Communists. For different reasons, both were highly suspicious of strong political leaders – the Christian Democrats believing that politicians should be ‘at the service’ of the people, and the Communists...

You are not authenticated to view the full text of this chapter or article.

Elgaronline requires a subscription or purchase to access the full text of books or journals. Please login through your library system or with your personal username and password on the homepage.

Non-subscribers can freely search the site, view abstracts/ extracts and download selected front matter and introductory chapters for personal use.

Your library may not have purchased all subject areas. If you are authenticated and think you should have access to this title, please contact your librarian.

Further information

or login to access all content.