The Politics and Policy of Carbon Capture and Storage
Edited by James Meadowcroft and Oluf Langhelle
Oluf Langhelle and James Meadowcroft The studies in the preceding chapters have traced the manner in which CCS emerged into the political and policy arena in different national contexts and in the EU. That in each case CCS now occupies an increasingly significant place in debates and initiatives related to climate change is hardly a surprise. After all, as the discussion in Chapter 1 made clear, the units included in this study were chosen because of their apparent interest in CCS, because they were major fossil fuel exporters, producers and consumers which, as developed states under the terms of the UNFCCC, were supposed to take the lead internationally in reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. Indeed, all of these jurisdictions are cited as loci of ‘major CCS activity’ in the 2008 IEA CCS status report on CCS programmes around the world (IEA 2008a: 137). They are also all members of the Carbon Sequestration Leadership Forum (CSLF), which was launched by President Bush in 2003. And three (Australia, Canada and the US) participate in the Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate (APP), a public/private partnership which was formally established in 2006 and which includes CCS in its key ‘Cleaner Fossil Energy’ task force. And yet there are also important differences between these jurisdictions – in the way CCS has been integrated into climate change policies and long-term energy strategies, in the importance accorded to CCS in relation to ‘energy security’, in the timing and character of engagement with CCS, and in the...
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